Raffaella Sarti

Europe at Home. Family and Material culture 1500-1800
Yale University Press, New Haven-London, 2002

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I. Home and Family: Things Fall Apart
p. 14, l. 13 from the bottom	‘He came to me when he wanted, because no one stopped him from coming as he was my sposo [husband]’, said Domenica Cinti di Battista Mazzoni in 1548.^39	‘He came to me when he wanted, because no one stopped him from coming as he was my sposo [husband]’, said Domenica Cinti in relation to Battista Mazzoni in 1548.^39
p. 20, l. 14 from the bottom	In Zurich, Ulrich Zwingli founded a tribunal in 1525 that was made up of four lay people and ministers (Leutpriester) who were competent in matrimonial matters, and this was to serve as a model to other Swiss cities, such as St. Gallen, Berne, Basle and Schaffhausen.	In Zurich, Ulrich Zwingli founded a tribunal in 1525 that was made up of four lay people and two ministers (Leutpriester) who were competent in matrimonial matters, and this was to serve as a model to other Swiss cities, such as St. Gallen, Berne, Basle and Schaffhausen.
p. 28, last line, and p. 29, first line	‘A number of convents and abbeys transformed themselves into Protestant institutions,’	‘A number of convents and abbeys transformed themselves into Protestant establishments,’
p. 38, l. 14 from below	For the those who were used to the old system, the introduction of house numbers which further undermined the houses’ ‘identity’, was a profound change and life at home took on a different flavour.^181	For the those who were used to the old system, the introduction of house numbers which further undermined the houses’ ‘identity’, was a profound change and life at home took on a different flavour.^181
II. Home and Family: Bringing Things Together
p. 48, l. 17 from the bottom	The situation was similar north-western Europe and for the middle and lower orders in cities pretty much everywhere.	The situation was similar in north-western Europe and for the middle and lower orders in cities pretty much everywhere.
p. 55, l. 4 and l. 6	In Italy, the custom still survives for a certain type of farmstead in south Tyrol (geschlossener Hof / maso chuso), in the name of the constitutional principle of regional autonomy, even though it contravenes the principles of equality between men and women and between siblings, also established by the Constitution. Only 2001 were local laws passed which did away with discrimination against women in the inheritance of such farmsteads.^64	In Italy, the custom still survives for a certain type of farmstead in south Tyrol (geschlossener Hof / maso chiuso), in the name of the constitutional principle of regional autonomy, even though it contravenes the principles of equality between men and women and between siblings, also established by the Constitution. Only in 2001 were local laws passed which did away with discrimination against women in the inheritance of such farmsteads.^64
p. 58, l. 13 from the bottom	‘Study!’, wrote the noble Orazio Spada to one of his sons.	Study!, wrote the noble Orazio Spada to one of his sons.
p. 60, l. 20	Thus in Esparros in the Tireneiuna, a considerable number of younger brothers married, albeit at an average age of about 31–2 years, while the heirs usually settled down at around 27–8 years.	Thus in Esparros in the Pyrenees, a considerable number of younger brothers married, albeit at an average age of about 31–2 years, while the heirs usually settled down at around 27–8 years.
III. Configuration of the House and the Family
p. 83, l. 7	Moreover, in Átány, as in other Hungarian villages, mean lived together, separate from their women.^43	Moreover, in Átány, as in other Hungarian villages, men lived together, separate from their women.^43
p. 84, l. 13	Agnatic kinship (i.e. relations along the paternal line) established networks of social cohesion and solidarity that were expressed through their form of accommodation.^51Interestingly, one scholar has suggested that kinship networks were particularly important in societies characterized by partible inheritance and transmission of land to all or many children, while in those characterized by impartible inheritance and transmission of the farm to a privileged heir the house and coresidence played a central role.	Agnatic kinship (i.e. relations along the male line) established networks of social cohesion and solidarity that were expressed through their form of accommodation.^51Interestingly, one scholar has suggested that kinship networks were particularly important in societies characterized by partible inheritance and transmission of land to all or many children, while in those characterized by impartible inheritance and transmission of the farm to a privileged heir the house and coresidence played a central role.^51
IV. The Home
p. 88, l. 7 from the bottom	If a market was held in the village, its stills would be set up there.	If a market was held in the village, its stalls would be set up there.
p. 91, l. 8 from the bottom	The cottage roof with thatch or shingles. They had no more than two rooms, one for sleeping and the other, which had a central fireplace without a chimney, for cooking. Not surprisingly, the bedroom was called the white room (biala izba) and the other the black room (czarna izba), as it was blackened from the smoke that could not escape.^27	The cottage was roofed with thatch or shingles. They had no more than two rooms, one for receiving guests and sometimes for sleeping and the other, which had a central fireplace without a chimney, for cooking and for the inhabitants’ daily life. Not surprisingly, the first was called the white room (biala izba) and the other the black room (czarna izba), as it was blackened from the smoke that could not escape.^27
p. 92, l. 19	In the meantime, the fireplace spread from Italy to the rest of Europe.^33	In the meantime, the sidewall fireplace spread from Italy to the rest of Europe.^33
p. 93, l. 6	Stoves were also to be found in the north, particularly in Norway and England.	Fireplaces were also to be found in the north, particularly in Norway and England.
p. 96, l . 3 of section 5. Innovations	In the countryside, the simple single or double room house of prehistoric origin was developed into the so-called longhouse, a lengthened structure on one or two floors that had rooms for livestock and tools next to the living quarters.	In the countryside, the longhouse of prehistoric origin, which was characteristic of large parts of temperate Europe north of the Alps, was developed into a lengthened structure on one or two floors that had rooms for livestock and tools next to the living quarters.
p. 97, l. 3 from the bottom	On the other hand, the so-called Facbwerkhäuser, which were to be found all over central and northern Europe, particularly where stone was scarce, were built from wooden structures filled with a clay and straw mix and could be almost luxurious	On the other hand, the so-called Fachwerkhäuser, which were to be found all over central and northern Europe, particularly where stone was scarce, had a wooden structure filled with wattle and daub made of a clay and straw mix and could be almost luxurious.
p. 98, l. 9 and 4 from the bottom	Ultimately, by the seventeenth century and certainly by the eighteenth century, peasant houses were no longer small, smoky and gloomy hovels overcrowded with people and animals, with floors covered with puddles and home to rats, insects and cockroaches. Such miserable housing was now relegated to the very poor or the poorest regions. The miners of Alvernia or Sicilian farm labourers lived in one-room houses called barriades.	Ultimately, by the seventeenth century and certainly by the eighteenth century, peasant houses were not always small, smoky and gloomy hovels overcrowded with people and animals, with floors covered with puddles and home to rats, insects and cockroaches. Such miserable housing was now relegated to the very poor or the poorest regions. Sicilian day labourers lived in one-room housing as did the miners of Alvernia whose houses were called barriades.
p. 99, l. 10 of section 6. Excuse me, can I come in?	Agricultural tools leant against or were hung on the walls this corridor.	Agricultural tools leant against or were hung on the walls of this corridor.
p. 100, l. 2 from the bottom	There would have been a lot of smoke as chimneys were not introduced until the eighteenth century.	There would have been a lot of smoke as no chimney was added to the house under analysis until the eighteenth century.
p. 101, l. 4	Similarly, Lapp reindeer herdsmen smoked their summer huts made of peat, in order to kill all the insects.^85	Similarly, Sámi reindeer herdsmen smoked their summer huts made of peat, in order to kill all the insects.^85
p. 103, l. 7 of section  7. ‘The luxury of the peasantry’	In these areas during the second half of the seventeenth century, between 80 and 90 per cent of the poorest householders whose estates were valued on their deaths at between 10 and 50 pounds^101 owned a bed with a frame and they all had at least one mattress to lay on the ground, as had been common in the sixteenth century and continued to be common amongst emigrants to America (Chesapeake). The latter had, it is true, acquired greater freedom and availability of land and food by crossing the ocean,^102 but they often lived in extremely straitened circumstances as far as their material conditions were concerned.	In these areas during the second half of the seventeenth century, between 80 and 90 per cent of the poor and lower-middle class householders whose estates were valued on their deaths at between 10 and 50 pounds^101 owned a bedstead and they all had at least one mattress to lay on the ground, as had been common in the sixteenth century and continued to be common amongst emigrants to America (Chesapeake). The latter had, it is true, acquired greater freedom and availability of land and food by crossing the ocean,^102 but they often lived in extremely straitened circumstances as far as their housing conditions were concerned.
p. 103, l.  3 from the bottom	In the Duero valley in Spain, the least well-off in the eighteenth century only rarely owned chairs, which were still a luxury item, and the only objects in the houses of the poorest people that could appear a concession to superfluity, if valued in purely material terms, were religious prints hanging on the wall, whose miserable value was 2 or 3 reales each.	In the Duero valley in Spain, the least well-off in the eighteenth century only rarely owned chairs, which were still a luxury item, and the only objects in the houses of the poorest people that could appear a concession to superfluity, if valued in purely material terms, were religious paintings on paper hanging on the wall, whose miserable value was 2 or 3 reales each.
p. 105, l. 12 from the bottom	As far as furniture is concerned, every family had at least one chest by the eighteenth century.	As far as furniture is concerned, almost every family had at least one chest by the eighteenth century.
p. 111, l. 10	In some city districts, there were about 500 people to a hectare, and in some parts of London the figure was actually 800.^139	In some city districts, there were about 500 people to a hectare, and in some parts of London the figure was actually 800. Cities on the sea could be particularly overcrowded. In the eighteenth century this density was about 1000 in some quarters of Marseille, and in the sixteenth century it reached 2000 in some Venitian parishes^139
p. 112, l.  27	A Syrian who visited Paris at the end of the seventeenth century experienced considerable discomfort, as he explained to Guilliame-Joseph Grelot. During a hot Parisian summer, the man, who came from Damascus, ‘decided to eat a large plate of water melon and curdled milk to cool himself down, and then go to the suburb of St. Marchel [sic] where he had business’.	A Syrian who visited Paris at the end of the seventeenth century experienced considerable discomfort, as he explained to Guillaume-Joseph Grelot. During a hot Parisian summer, the man, who came from Damascus, ‘decided to eat a large plate of water melon and curdled milk to cool himself down, and then go to the suburb of St. Marcel where he had business’.
p. 113, l. 17 from the bottom	The cleanliness of the Dutch streets partly depended on the fact that they were ‘paved with brick’,^154 and conversely the lack of hygiene in many other cities depended on the fact that generally they were not paved at all or only covered with sand and cobblestones.	The cleanliness of the Dutch streets partly depended on the fact that they were ‘paved with brick’,^154 and conversely the lack of hygiene in many other cities depended on the fact that generally they were partially paved, not paved at all or only covered with sand and cobblestones.
p.  115, l. 7	There were a few exceptional cases. In Rome, Pope Nicholas V reintroduced the so-called Vergine aqueduct which dated back to 22 bc, Sixtus V reintroduced the Felice aqueduct and Paul V restored the Traiana aqueduct in 1609, which was renamed Paola.	These public works began to be more common from the fifteenth century. In Rome, Pope Nicholas V (1447-55) reintroduced the so-called Vergine aqueduct which dated back to 22 bc, Sixtus V (1585-60) introduced the Felice aqueduct and Paul V restored the Traiana aqueduct in 1609, which was renamed Paola.
p. 115, l. 20	From the sixteenth century, fountains became more common in cities, and wells were also quite numerous.^164	From the sixteenth century, also thanks to aqueducts, fountains became more common in cities, and wells were also quite numerous.^164
p. 116, last line	Cities only grew because of the massive influx of people from the countryside.^174	Cities only grew because of the massive influx of people from the countryside, and growing urbanization often worsened hygienic conditions.^174
p. 118, l.  5	From around 1720–30, new buildings were fitted with larger and more numerous windows, which became more luminous through the replacement of oiled paper and cloth with glass and the replacement of small glass panes with larger and more transparent ones.^182	In Paris from around 1720–30, new buildings were fitted with larger and more numerous windows, which became more luminous through the replacement of oiled paper and cloth with glass and the replacement of small glass panes with larger and more transparent ones.^182
p. 118,  l. 5 of section 12. Fires	In eighteenth-century Bologna, the minimum space for renting was called a camino (‘fireplace’), which was made up of a room with a fireplace with the possible addition of a storeroom and a luogo comodo (‘comfortable place’), namely a lavatory.^185	In eighteenth-century Bologna, the minimum space usually rented was called a camino (‘fireplace’), which was made up of a room with a fireplace with the possible addition of a storeroom and a luogo comodo (‘comfortable place’), namely a lavatory.^185
p. 119, last line of section 12. Fires	The risk could never be entirely averted, however: the Great Fire of London in 1666 destroyed at least 13,000 houses mainly built of wood, yet they were rebuilt with the same materials.^192	The risk could never be entirely averted, however: the Great Fire of London in 1666 destroyed at least 13,000 houses mainly built of wood, yet they were largely rebuilt with the same materials.^192
p. 119, l. 11 of section 13. Beds	Beds represented 15 per cent of the property left by poor people during the eighteenth century.	Beds represented 15 per cent of the value of the property left by poor people during the eighteenth century.
p. 120, l. 19 and 15 from the bottom	It is significant that the space enclosed by the curtains was called a ‘room’ in Tuscany.^198 It seems reasonable to suppose that the sense of protection, warmth and comfort derived not only from the fact that it was ‘closed’, but also from the presence of mattresses, blankets and other bedclothes, which were as varied at the structure of the bed, given that they ranged from straw alone and miserable straw mattresses to an abundance of mattresses and expensive bedspreads.	It is significant that the space enclosed by the curtains was called a camera (‘room’) in Tuscany.^198 It seems reasonable to suppose that the sense of protection, warmth and comfort derived not only from the fact that it was ‘closed’, but also from the presence of mattresses, blankets and other bedclothes, which were as varied as the structure of the bed, given that they ranged from straw alone and miserable straw mattresses to an abundance of mattresses and expensive bedspreads.
p. 122, l. 30	‘The following bedroom is more for show than for use,’ wrote Augustin-Charles D’Aviler in 1691, when explaining one of the plans in his Cours d’Arcbitecture.^209	‘The following bedroom is more for show than for use,’ wrote Augustin-Charles D’Aviler in 1691, when explaining one of the plans in his Cours d’Architecture.^209
p. 123, l. 9 from the bottom	As in the Dutch interiors, we would have found a great number of them in Paris during the seventeenth and eighteenth century: three or four tables per household on average (even the unskilled labourers called gagne-denzers usually had at least two).	As in the Dutch interiors, we would have found a great number of them in Paris during the seventeenth and eighteenth century: three or four tables per household on average (even the unskilled labourers called gagne-deniers usually had at least two).
p. 128, l. 2 of section 16. Everything has its place and everything in its place	A Dutch poet used the above expression to extol the virtues of a wardrobe, which could hold great piles of linen, costly ribbons, various types of shiny satin and other marvels.	A Dutch poet used the above expression to extol the virtues of a wardrobe, which could hold great piles of linen, costly laces, various types of shiny satin and other marvels.
p. 133,  l. 4	When there were no guests, the householder’s family could eat in the cosier environment of a small room.	When there were no guests, the householder’s family could eat in the cosier environment of a small room (saletta, salotto or tinello).
p. 133, l. 10	‘The dining room C 7 can be used as the antechamber to the bedroom with alcove C 4....’	‘The dining room C 7 can be used as the antechamber to the room with an alcove for sleeping C 4....’
p. 133, l. 15	By the turn of the eighteenth century, a room specifically designed for meals still had not appeared in the houses of the rich and even by the mid-eighteenth century there were still people who used a bedroom, albeit one for show, for receiving guests.	By the turn of the eighteenth century, a room specifically designed for meals still had not appeared in the houses of the rich and even by the mid-eighteenth century there were still architects who suggested to use a bedroom, albeit one for show, for receiving guests.
p. 133, l. 12 from the bottom	In France, ‘citizens...and merchants have a place to eat’, wrote Pier Jacopo Martello in 1718, thirty years after the publication of D’Aviler’s work.^262	In France, ‘citizens...and merchants have a place to eat’, wrote Pier Jacopo Martello in 1718, about thirty years after the publication of D’Aviler’s work.^262
p. 133, l. 8 from the bottom	The Ca’ Zenobio ai Carmini was built in Venice between 1682 and 1690, and is considered ‘the most complete prototype’ of the new home that was to spread through eighteenth-century cities.	The Ca’ Zenobio ai Carmini was built in Venice between 1682 and 1690, and is considered ‘the most complete prototype’ of the new Venetian home that was to spread in the eighteenth-century.
p. 134, l. 6 from the bottom	It was during the reign of Louis XIV that we start to see the first signs in France of the tendency amongst the wealthier sections of society towards a greater specialization of rooms, and this trend was to become more firmly established in the second half of the eighteenth century, as can be demonstrated by the chronology of the spread of such terms as ‘bedroom’, ‘dining room’ and ‘salon’ (the fashion for salons had originated in Italy).^274	It was during the reign of Louis XIV that we start to see the first signs in France of the tendency amongst the wealthier sections of society towards a greater specialization of rooms, and this trend was to become more firmly established in the second half of the eighteenth century, as can be demonstrated by the chronology of the spread of such terms as ‘dining room’, ‘salon’ (the fashion for salons had originated in Italy) and ‘bedroom’^274
p. 136, l. 1 of section In the Ghetto	On the evening of 29 May 1782, a Jewish woman called Anna Tedeschi was lighting a fire ‘to cook a little soup’ after having returned from the funeral of a grandchild who was born to her daughter-in-law the previous day and only survived a few hours	On the evening of 29 May 1782, Anna Tedeschi, a Jewish woman living in Turin, was lighting a fire ‘to cook a little soup’ after having returned from the funeral of a grandchild who was born to her daughter-in-law the previous day and only survived a few hours
p. 138, l. 6	The trend towards specialization of rooms appears to have been somewhat earlier in London compared with other parts of Europe, and markedly so when compared with other parts of Britain.	The trend towards specialization of rooms appears to have been somewhat earlier in London compared with various other parts of Europe, and markedly so when compared with other parts of Britain.
p. 140, l. 7	According to the learned authors of the Italian Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, a corridoio (‘corridor’) was a ‘passageway over buildings for going from one part to another, called by some in Latin, pergula’,^298 a definition that referred to an idea of a corridor that was not only different to the current one but also not very useful. It appears from what Maddalena said that the term ‘corridor’ indicated a passage that led from the outside door or the main room of the building to the internal courtyard, which was often to be found in urban architecture.^299	According to the learned authors of the Italian Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca, a corridoio (‘corridor’) was a ‘passageway over buildings for going from one part to another, called by some in Latin, pergula’,^298 a definition that referred to an idea of a corridor that was not only different to the current one but also not very useful for understanding what Maddalena was referring to. Presumably by the term ‘corridor’ Maddalena meant a passage that led from the outside door or the main room of the building to the internal courtyard, which was often to be found in urban architecture.^299
p. 142, l. 1	When, in 1728–32, the architect James Gibbs designed a country house at Kelmash, in Northamptonshire, and put in a corridor that connected all the rooms, there were still those who considered this to be a complete innovation. It took time, but eventually all the rich were persuaded to adopt it.^313	When, in 1728–32, the architect James Gibbs designed a country house at Kelmarsh, in Northamptonshire, and put in a corridor that connected all the rooms, there were still those who considered this to be a complete innovation. It took time, but eventually all the rich were persuaded to adopt it.^313
p. 143, l.  19	Practically all the sources, including the Dictionnaire de Furetiere, the Dictionnaire de Trévoux,^321 D’Aviler, Briseaux, Milizia and Gambardella,^322 confirm that in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France and Italy the dressing room or one of the dressing rooms was used during the night for ‘those servants that one wants to have sleeping nearby’,^323 namely ‘those persons among the servants who must be close to their masters, so that they can be found ready when they are needed’.^324	Practically all the sources, including the Dictionnaire de Furetière, the Dictionnaire de Trévoux,^321 D’Aviler, Briseaux, Milizia and Gambardella,^322 confirm that in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France and Italy the dressing room or one of the dressing rooms was used during the night for ‘those servants that one wants to have sleeping nearby’,^323 namely ‘those persons among the servants who must be close to their masters, so that they can be found ready when they are needed’.^324
p. 144, l. 12 from the bottom	We know, for instance, that Monsieur de Vendôme received the Bishop of Parma while sitting on the commode and that once Madame du Chàtelet happily had a bath in the presence of Longchamp, a valet whom she asked to pour hot water into the bathtub while she widened her legs to avoid being scalded.^331	We know, for instance, that Monsieur de Vendôme received the Bishop of Parma while sitting on the commode and that once Madame du Châtelet happily had a bath in the presence of Longchamp, a valet whom she asked to pour hot water into the bathtub while she widened her legs to avoid being scalded.^331
p. 147, l. 13	The time when a lady could hardly object to eating at the same table as her female servant because they both shared the same bed was becoming a very distant one.^345	It was no longer possible to question why a lady would generally not share the table with her maidservant given that she shared her bed.^345
V. Food
p. 150, l. 2	Of course, the terminology of good manners was not the same everywhere and it did not always express the same social point of view.	Of course, the terminology of good manners was not the same everywhere and it did not always express the same meaning in different social and cultural contexts.
p. 152, l. 10 from the bottom	From the beginning of the sixteenth century, it became increasingly common in good society to provide each guest with a plate, a glass, a spoon and a knife, while forks were introduced more slowly.	From the beginning of the sixteenth century, it became increasingly common in good society to provide each guest with a plate, a glass, a spoon and a knife, while forks were introduced more slowly.
p. 156, l. 2 from the bottom	The marquis, his wife, their two children, the children’s tutor and the household violinist at the first table.	The marquis, his wife, their two children, the children’s tutor and the household violinist ate at the first table.
p. 160, l. 9 from the bottom	The differences arose from the fact that cooking in England was considerably more ‘domestic’ than in France.	The differences could arise from the fact that cooking in England was considerably more ‘domestic’ than in France.
p. 161, l. 1	Partly because of the lesser appeal of the court, the English nobility continued to live in country homes for a few months of the year.	Partly because of the lesser appeal of the court, the English nobility continued to live in country homes at least for a few months of the year.
p. 163, l. 6 from the bottom	However, little girls were not always treated worse than little boys. Studies into some aristocratic families in seventeenth-century Latium show that here the order of birth influenced treatment of babies more that their sex, while research in Great Britain has shown that the time of weaning depended only very slightly on whether the baby was a boy or a girl.^91	However, little girls were not always treated worse than little boys. Studies into some aristocratic families in seventeenth-century Latium show that here the order of birth influenced treatment of babies more than their sex, while research in Great Britain has shown that the time of weaning depended only very slightly on whether the baby was a boy or a girl.^91
p. 167, l. 1	Wet-nurses	The woman nurturer
p. 168, l. 8 from the bottom	It is difficult to generalize, but it appears that those who did not have breakfast (dejouner) ate lunch at around ten o’clock, while those who did, lunched between midday and one o’clock.	It is difficult to generalize, but it appears that those who did not have breakfast (déjeuner) ate lunch at around ten o’clock, while those who did, lunched between midday and one o’clock.
p. 170, l. 15 from the bottom	The thirty diners at the table of the most lowly servants, which was in another room, had to content themselves with sharing five dishes, each containing a single bird.	The thirty diners at the table of the servants of the next lower rank, which was in another room, had to content themselves with sharing five dishes, each containing a single bird.
p. 171, l. 2	Just as root vegetables that grow underground and the meat of pigs that root amongst the refuse were at the bottom of the hierarchy of foods, so the peasants who worked the land were in the lowest position in the human hierarchy.	Just as root vegetables that grow underground and the meat of pigs that root amongst the refuse were thought to be at the bottom of the hierarchy of foods, so the peasants who worked the land were supposed to be in the lowest position in the human hierarchy.
p. 174, l. 4 of section Dietary practices and group identities	The lack of Muslim travellers in Europe has been linked to the problems of observing their religion’s rules on diet and hygiene.	The limited number of Muslim travellers in Europe has been linked, among other things, to the problems of observing their religion’s rules on diet and hygiene.
p. 177, l. 21	It is estimated that the per-capita consumption in Parma in 1580 was about 20 kilos; in ‘plump’ Bologna it was 46 kilos in 1593; and in Rome it was 38 kilos in 1600–05 (but only 21.5–24.7 in 1785–9).^168	It is estimated that the average per-capita consumption in Parma in 1580 was about 20 kilos; in ‘plump’ Bologna it was 46 kilos in 1593; and in Rome it was 38 kilos in 1600–05 (but only 21.5–24.7 in 1785–9).^168
p. 178, l. 7	Apart from Norway and Iceland, where fish was the basic food,^173 the diet became increasingly monotonous and based on bread or at least cereals.	Apart from Norway and Iceland, where fish was very common,^173 the diet became increasingly monotonous and based on bread or at least cereals.
p. 179, l. 17 of section Rice, buckwheat, tomatoes, peppers and kidney beans	Tomatoes, which were known in Italy, Spain, Provence and the Languedoc as early as the sixteenth century, only spread to the rest of Europe in the eighteenth century.	Tomatoes, which were known in Italy, Spain, Provence and the Languedoc as early as the sixteenth century, only began to spread to the rest of Europe at the end of the eighteenth century.
p. 182, l. 9 from the bottom	The anonymous traveller in the Appenines of Emilia (whom we encountered before) describes Frignano as an area where ‘meat is not eaten’ and ‘bread is made of chestnut [flour]’.^191	The anonymous sixteenth century traveller in the Appenines of Emilia (whom we encountered before) describes Frignano as an area where ‘meat is not eaten’ and ‘bread is made of chestnut [flour]’.^191
p. 184, l. 2	In this it contrasted with chocolate (cocoa had been imported from America), which was mainly used by aristocrats, a little paradoxically to our eyes, as a drink to keep one’s spirits up when fasting.	In this it contrasted with chocolate (cocoa had been imported from America), which was mainly used by aristocrats and, a little paradoxically to our eyes, as a drink to keep one’s spirits up when fasting.
p. 185, l. 19	Upper-class tastes were not always and everywhere the same, and, indeed, until the seventeenth century red wine was considered a coarse drink suited to the lower classes.^207 ‘The meat of cows, bulls and pigs, bread made from red corn, beans, cheese, olives, red wine and other coarse foods make the seed coarse and of bad temperament: the son that is generated [after having consumed these foods and drinks] will be very strong.(...)’	Upper-class tastes were not always and everywhere the same, and, indeed, until the seventeenth century dark red wine (vino negro) was considered a coarse drink suited to the lower classes.^207 ‘The meat of cows, bulls and pigs, bread made from red corn, beans, cheese, olives, dark red wine and other coarse foods make the seed coarse and of bad temperament: the son that is generated [after having consumed these foods and drinks] will be very strong. (...)’
p. 186 last line of section 7. Beer and wine	For this purpose, there appears also to have been wide use during the early modern era of the seeds of the opium poppy and other hallucinogenic plants, often involuntarily eaten amongst ground cereals or vegetables in soup.^216	For this purpose, there appears also to have been wide use during the early modern era of the seeds of the opium poppy and other hallucinogenic plants. Often they were eaten even  involuntarily amongst ground cereals or vegetables in soup.^216
p. 188, l. 6 from the bottom	Apart from fresh fuit, there were oily nuts, which in some areas were of considerable importance, because of their oils and calories: almonds, pistachio nuts, pine-seeds, hazelnuts and walnuts (from which oil was extracted).^226	But let us go back to fruit. Besides fresh fruit, there were oily nuts, which in some areas were of considerable importance, because of their oils and calories: almonds, pistachio nuts, pine-seeds, hazelnuts and walnuts (from which oil was extracted).^226
p. 190, l. 11 of section Domestic chores and woman’s work	A painting by Pieter Gerritsz, which is probably fairly realistic, depicts a woman seated on a low stool in front of the fire busy preparing pancakes. There is a small child on her right and a small wicker basket on her left, from which a baby is peering (Fig. 69).	A painting by Pieter Gerritsz van Roestraten, which is probably fairly realistic, depicts a woman seated on a low stool in front of the fire busy preparing pancakes. There is a small child on her right and a small wicker basket on her left, from which a baby is peering (Fig. 69).
p. 190, l. 15 from the bottom	One historian has calculated how women divided their time, using the information contained in diaries and other similar sources. It is, of course, only a rough indication given that women did not do exactly the same things, depending on whether they lived in the city or the countryside, whether they were rich or poor, whether they were unmarried, married or widows, and whether they were young or old.	One historian has calculated how women divided their time, using the information contained in diaries and other similar sources. It is, of course, only a rough indication given that women did not do exactly the same things, depending on whether they lived in the city or the countryside, whether they were rich or poor, whether they were unmarried, married or widows, and whether they were young or old, and whether they collaborate with other women or not.
VI. Clothing
p. 194, l. 10 of section Falling prices and increasing supply	If the price of corn and the price of textiles in 1565–74 are both set at 100, then for 1774–83 the figures are 223 and 75.	In Pisa, for instance, if the price of corn and the price of textiles in 1565–74 are both set at 100, then for 1774–83 the figures are 223 and 75.
p.  195, l. 6 from the bottom	After the plague of 1348, people started to believe that public baths were places that could assist the spread of disease, and they were discouraged from visiting them during epidemics.	After the plague of 1347-51, people started to believe that public baths were places that could assist the spread of disease, and they were discouraged from visiting them during epidemics.
p. 199, l.  9 of section Changing underpants and changing shirts	Before his marriage the Baron of Schomberg changed his shirt and collar every day, his handkerchief every two days, and his underpants every four weeks (after his marriage he started to change them every week).	Before his marriage in 1767 the Baron of Schomberg changed his shirt and collar every day, his handkerchief every two days, and his underpants every four weeks (after his marriage he started to change them every week).
p. 200, l. 12 from the bottom	They were in fact considered a garment for men chasers, actresses and prostitutes.^56	They were in fact considered a garment for women hunters, actresses and prostitutes.^56
p. 201, at the end of section 2. Underwear and hygiene	During the same period in England, it was even the custom to cover children with grease and sew their clothes onto them, so that they would always be covered and would not catch cold.	During the same period in England, it was even the custom to cover children with grease and sew their clothes onto them in winter, so that they would always be covered and would not catch cold.
p. 203, l. 17 from the bottom	Inventories are a fertile source, but should be treated with due caution, especially in relation to items of clothing.	Probate inventories are a fertile source, but should be treated with due caution, especially in relation to items of clothing.
p. 209, l. 15 from the bottom	By depicting a woman as attempting to wear the trousers, she could be stigmatized for attempting to subvert the natural order of things, and became the embodiment of a diabolic world turned upside down (Figs. 4 and 89).	By depicting a woman as attempting to wear the trousers, she could be stigmatized for attempting to subvert the ‘natural’ order of things, and became the embodiment of a diabolic world turned upside down (Figs. 4 and 85).
p. 210, l. 14	Particularly in the upper and middle classes, women started from the fifteenth century to wear corselets reinforced with strips of wood or metal, which were forerunners of the genuine corset that appeared shortly afterwards.	Particularly in the upper and middle classes, women started from the late fifteenth century to wear corselets reinforced with strips of wood or metal, which were forerunners of the genuine corset that appeared shortly afterwards.
p. 211, l. 13	In the eighteenth century in the German village of Laichinger, not even the poor labourers, shepherds and weavers were willing to forego this tradition.^109	In the eighteenth century in the German village of Laichingen, not even the poor labourers, shepherds and weavers were willing to forego this tradition.^109
p. 212, l. 18 from the bottom	Several studies have demonstrated how changes that date back to the seventeenth century (the growth of the urban economy, the spread of fashions that blurred social distinctions, etc.) mean that the idea we have of clothing under the Ancien Régime (typified by inertia, immobility, a rigid correlation between dress and social position, a desire to control the situation through laws on luxury garments and other regulations concerning dress) is not wholly applicable.	Several studies have demonstrated how changes that date back at least to the seventeenth century (the growth of the urban economy, the spread of fashions that blurred social distinctions, etc.) mean that the idea we have of clothing under the Ancien Régime (typified by inertia, immobility, a rigid correlation between dress and social position, a desire to control the situation through laws on luxury garments and other regulations concerning dress) is not wholly applicable.
VII. Inside and Outside the Home: A Few Final Considerations
p. 212, l. 18 from the bottom	Women therefore appear to have developed a different relationship with objects, which was more individual and more absorbing than that of men.	Women therefore appear to have developed a different relationship with objects (particularly with certain personal objects like clothes and some jewels), which was more individual and more absorbing than that of men.
p. 216, l. 2	They seem to have invested great importance in objects because they had few alternative resources to construct their identity, establish social relations and leave a memory of themselves.	They seem to have invested great importance in (certain) objects because they had few alternative resources to construct their identity, establish social relations and leave a memory of themselves.
p. 216, last line	In light of the intense relationship that women had with household objects, can we then conclude that they were predestined to become the quintessential consumers when the number of available goods began to grow?	In light of the intense relationship that women had with (certain) objects, can we then conclude that they were predestined to become the quintessential consumers when the number of available goods began to grow?
p. 216, last line	In England, on the other hand, the diaries of a middle-class woman like Elizabeth Shackleton of Alkincoats (1726–81) demonstrate that she dealt with the shopping, and it has been argued that her writings provide ‘powerful evidence to support the widespread historical assumption that outside the households of peers and plutocrats the daily management of consumption fell to the mistress and with it control of routine decision-making’.	In England, on the other hand, the diaries of a gentlewoman like Elizabeth Shackleton of Alkincoats (1726–81) demonstrate that she dealt with the shopping, and it has been argued that her writings provide ‘powerful evidence to support the widespread historical assumption that outside the households of peers and plutocrats the daily management of consumption fell to the mistress and with it control of routine decision-making’.
p. 219, l. 2 from the bottom	While the idea that women have a particular predisposition to consumption is at least as old as the story of Eve eating the forbidden fruit, there have been particular situations in which production and consumption have been characterized as male or female.^20	While the idea that women have a particular predisposition to consumption is at least as old as the story of Eve eating the forbidden fruit, in different contexts there have been specific ways to characterise production and consumption as gendered.^20
p. 220, l. 4 from the bottom	Of course, the Revolution in France did bring important reforms in civil law: the introduction of equality between all male and female heirs, the introduction of divorce, and the introduction of the age of majority which allowed unmarried adult women to manage their own assets, enter into public contracts and exercise other rights.	Of course, the Revolution in France did bring important reforms in civil law: the introduction of equality between all male and female heirs throughout the country, the introduction of divorce, and the introduction of the age of majority which allowed unmarried adult women to manage their own assets, enter into public contracts and exercise other rights.
p. 221, l. 9	In spite of the introduction of the age of majority, which strictly speaking was supposed to put adult unmarried women on a par with men, family membership remained a central feature in defining social identity for women and minors, just as it did for servants.	In spite of the introduction of the age of majority throughout the country, which strictly speaking was supposed to put adult unmarried women on a par with men, family membership remained a central feature in defining social identity for women and minors, just as it did for servants.
p. 222, l. 6 from the bottom	Thence it could be argued that (as he knew how to govern his small province or native city) he was ready for government of the commonweal’.^35 (...)	Thence it could be argued that (as he knew how to govern the small province or native city represented by his house) he was ready for government of the commonweal’.^35 (...)
p. 222, l. 10 from the bottom	Giacomo Lanteri from Brescia, who wrote Della economia in 1560, considered it to be a highly commendable aspect of the ancient republics that ‘no one was admitted to public government or administration before he had demonstrated [along with other qualities] that he knew how to manage his family and home properly.	Giacomo Lanteri from Brescia, who wrote Della economica in 1560, considered it to be a highly commendable aspect of the ancient republics that ‘no one was admitted to public government or administration before he had demonstrated [along with other qualities] that he knew how to manage his family and home properly.
p. 222, last line-p. 223 first line	It was an idea that went back to Aristotle, who claimed that the father – the undisputed head of the family unit – exercised aristocratic power over his wife, monarchical power over his children and tyrannical power over his servants.	It was an idea that went back to Aristotle, who claimed that the father – the undisputed head of the family unit – exercised constitutional rule over his wife, monarchical power over his children and despotic power over his servants.
p. 223, l. 9	When we look at a much later book, such as Caterina Franceschi Ferrucci’s work on the ‘moral education of Italian women’ (Educazione morale della donna italiana 1848), we find the following passage:	When we look at a much later book, such as Caterina Franceschi Ferrucci’s work on the ‘moral education of Italian women’ (Educazione morale della donna italiana 1848, 1847^1), we find the following passage:
p. 225, l. 17	Although ‘loyal and diligent in his work’, he was tempted to escape, as he admitted around 1550, so that he could ‘work and earn money to pay the sum required to free his wife and son’, who were captured at the same time as he was and were also slaves. In 1556, when he was still a slave, he had reached such a state of desperation that he was no longer ‘certain whether he should live or die’?^47	Although ‘loyal and diligent in his work’, he was tempted to escape, as he admitted around 1554, so that he could ‘work and earn money to pay the sum required to free his wife and son’, who were captured at the same time as he was and were also slaves. In 1556, when he was still a slave, he had reached such a state of desperation that he was no longer ‘certain whether he should live or die’?^47
p. 225, l. 4 from the bottom	Family relationships must have been affected by the end of the ‘age of the plague’ in the second half of the seventeenth century, which since the Black Death of 1348 had meant that recurrent epidemics had claimed the lives of countless victims and left in their wake shattered families, people without family, orphans, widows and widowers.	Family relationships must have been affected by the end of the ‘age of the plague’ in the second half of the seventeenth century, which since the Black Death of 1347-51 had meant that recurrent epidemics had claimed the lives of countless victims and left in their wake shattered families, people without family, orphans, widows and widowers.
p. 227, l. 4	Only during the seventeenth century (as we saw earlier) did Tuscan magistrates start to appoint widowed mothers as guardians of their children, because they could not inherit from the children precisely as a result of this strictly patrilinear succession, and therefore had no financial interest in neglecting the children or even assisting their deaths with various degrees of actual intent.	Only during the second half of the sixteenth century (as we saw earlier) did Tuscan magistrates start to appoint widowed mothers as guardians of their children, because they could not inherit from the children precisely as a result of this strictly patrilinear succession, and therefore had no financial interest in neglecting the children or even assisting their deaths with various degrees of actual intent.
p. 231, l. 19	The affirmation of patrilineal succession also created greater inequalities between first-born sons and cadets, and subjected the choice of spouse for the principal heir to rigid rules.	The affirmation of impartible patrilineal inheritance among the upper classes also created greater inequalities between first-born sons and cadets, and subjected the choice of spouse for the principal heir to rigid rules.
p. 231, l. 14 from the bottom p. 232 l. 8 and l. 13	entailment	Fideicommissum
p. 234, l. 20	For many children, love and attraction undoubtedly did constitute the premise for and not the consequence of marriage, judging from the innumerable complaints about young love (particularly in social classes in which economic factors played a larger part) and from the way they often spoke of their feelings.	For many children, love and attraction undoubtedly did constitute the premise for and not the consequence of marriage, judging from the innumerable complaints about young love (particularly in social classes in which economic factors played a lesser part) and from the way they often spoke of their feelings.
p. 242, l. 17 from the bottom	Besides those I have tried to thank specifically in the Notes I would like to thank for their help Giulia Calvi, Matteo Casini, Sheila Cooper, Angelo D’Ambrosio, Hester Dibbits, Isidro Dubert Garcia, Silvia Evangelisti, Antoinette Fauve-Chamoux, Angela Groppi, Olwen Hufton, Sara Matthews Grieco, Mal´gorzata Kamecka, Aurelia Martín Casases, Giovanna Giordano, Anne-Lise Head-König, Cesary Kuklo, Margareth Lanzinger, Andrea Lastri, Isabella Palumbo Fossati, Ofelia Rey Castelao, Lino Marini, Vittorio Monelli, Giovanni Sacchini, Sølvi Sogner and Matthew Wollard.	Besides those I have tried to thank specifically in the Notes I would like to thank for their help Giuliana Boccadamo, Giulia Calvi, Matteo Casini, Sheila Cooper, Angelo D’Ambrosio, Hester Dibbits, Isidro Dubert Garcia, Silvia Evangelisti, Antoinette Fauve-Chamoux, Angela Groppi, Olwen Hufton, Sara Matthews Grieco, Mal´gorzata Kamecka, Aurelia Martín Casases, Maria Giuseppina Muzzarelli, Giovanna Giordano, Anne-Lise Head-König, Cesary Kuklo, Margareth Lanzinger, Andrea Lastri, Isabella Palumbo Fossati, Ofelia Rey Castelao, Lino Marini, Vittorio Monelli, Giovanni Sacchini, Sølvi Sogner and Matthew Woollard.

NOTES
Note Number and Page	Current text	Corrected text
Introduction
note 11 p. 243	For example, Shammas 1989; Vries 1993, especially pp. 95, 99 and 107, who suggests the term ‘consumer revolution’ should be dispensed with; Styles 1993, pp. 535–42; Fairchilds 1993b, note 4, p. 852; Miller 1995, p. 167; Levi 1996, pp. 197–8. Growth was not restricted solely to England. According to Goldthwaite 1987a, p. 16, ‘modern consumer society, with its insatiable consumption setting the pace for the production of more objects and changes in style, had its first stirrings, if not its birth, in the habits of spending that possessed the Italians in the Renaissance’ (see also by the same author 1987b and 1993 [Ital. trans. 1995]). Other historians, such as Porter 1993, continue to use the interpretative key of English eighteenth-century origins to the consumer revolution, while admitting that the theory is open to debate (p. 65). The use of concepts that have not been rigorously defined has compounded the difficulties in establishing a universally shared chronology, according to Shammas 1989 and Styles 1993. On the question of chronology, see also Stearns 1997 and the interesting observations by Clunas 1999. There has however been much lively and scholarly investigation into the history of consumption in recent years. Apart from the works already referred to, recent publications include Berg and Clifford (eds) 1999.	For example, Shammas 1989; Vries 1993, especially pp. 95, 99 and 107, who suggests the term ‘consumer revolution’ should be dispensed with; Styles 1993, pp. 535–42; Fairchilds 1993b, note 4, p. 852; Miller 1995, p. 167; Levi 1996, pp. 197–8. Growth was not restricted solely to England. Goldthwaite does not refuse the concept of the eigthteenth century consumer revolution but maintains (1987a, p. 16) that ‘modern consumer society, with its insatiable consumption setting the pace for the production of more objects and changes in style, had its first stirrings, if not its birth, in the habits of spending that possessed the Italians in the Renaissance’ (see also by the same author 1987b and 1993 [Ital. trans. 1995 in part. p. 264]). Other historians, such as Porter 1993, continue to use the interpretative key of English eighteenth-century origins to the consumer revolution, while admitting that the theory is open to debate (p. 65). The use of concepts that have not been rigorously defined has compounded the difficulties in establishing a universally shared chronology, according to Shammas 1989 and Styles 1993. On the question of chronology, see also Stearns 1997 and the interesting observations by Clunas 1999. There has however been much lively and scholarly investigation into the history of consumption in recent years. Apart from the works already referred to, recent publications include Berg and Clifford (eds) 1999.
I. Home and Family: Things Fall Apart
note 6 p. 244	Francesco Pignatelli, Prince of Strongoli, Ragionamenti economici, politici e militari riguardantino la pubblica felicità, Naples, 1783, I, p. 51, quoted in Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 495, and in Dal Pane 1958, pp. 192–3. The population of Naples was 339,000 inhabitants in 1730 and 430,000 in 1800, see Bairoch 1987, p. 257, table 4 and Bairoch, Batou and Chèvre 1988, p. 45.	Francesco Pignatelli, Prince of Strongoli, Ragionamenti economici, politici e militari riguardantino la pubblica felicità, Naples, 1783, I, p. 51, quoted in Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 495, and in Dal Pane 1958, pp. 192–3. According to Bouvier et Laffargue 1956 (Ital. trans. 1960), p. 44, beggars and vagrants (the so-called lazzaroni) numbered about 30,000. The population of Naples was 339,000 inhabitants in 1730 and 430,000 in 1800, see Bairoch 1987, p. 257, table 4 and Bairoch, Batou and Chèvre 1988, p. 45.
note 11 p. 244	Quoted in Camporesi 1980, p. 51. Malabiare is an Italian word that has fallen into disuse. It derives from the Spanish mal, ‘badly’ and loablar, ‘to speak’, see Battaglia 1961 (under the entry for malabiare).	Quoted in Camporesi 1980, p. 51. Malabiare is an Italian word that has fallen into disuse. It derives from the Spanish mal, ‘badly’ and hablar, ‘to speak’, see Battaglia 1961– (under the entry for malabiare).
note 23 p. 245	Braudel 1982 (Ital. trans. 1986), vol. I, pp. 14–38; Lucassen and Lucassen (eds) 1997; Fontaine 1993; Hoerder, Page Moch (eds) 1996; Rosental 1999. But there were also areas in which a considerable part of the population was very stable, see for example the Russian village of Mishino, Czap Jr. 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984). On the abolition of the freedom of movement of the still semi-nomadic Russian peasants in the sixteenth century, from 1580, and the process that bound them to the land, see Rösener 1993, pp. 40 and 158–74 and chapter IV, section 1 of this book. The fixed settlement of serfs in eastern Europe (who were, however, occasionally moved around at the behest of their landowners) contrasted with the mobility of the so-called ‘master-less men’; see Geremek 1977 (Ital. trans. 1992), Naser 2001.	Braudel 1982 (Ital. trans. 1986), vol. I, pp. 14–38; Lucassen and Lucassen (eds) 1997; Fontaine 1993; Hoerder, Page Moch (eds) 1996; Rosental 1999. But there were also areas in which a considerable part of the population was very stable, see for example the Russian village of Mishino, Czap Jr. 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984). On the abolition of the freedom of movement of the still semi-nomadic Russian peasants in the sixteenth century, from 1580, and the process that bound them to the land, see Rösener 1993, pp. 40 and 158–74 and chapter IV, section 1 of this book. The fixed settlement of serfs in eastern Europe (who were, however, occasionally moved around at the behest of their landowners) contrasted with the mobility of the so-called ‘master-less men’; see Geremek 1977 (Ital. trans. 1992), Kaser 2001.
note 32 p. 245	This emerges from the research carried out in Bologna by Mavra Palazzi (see Palazzi 1985, 1986, 1988 and 1997).	This emerges from the research carried out in Bologna by Maura Palazzi (see Palazzi 1985, 1986, 1988 and 1997).
note 34 p. 246	On Bologna, see the previously mentioned works by M. Palazzi; on Poland, see Kludo 1998.	On Bologna, see the previously mentioned works by M. Palazzi; on Poland, see Kuklo 1998. See also Vanneste 1986.
note 41 p. 246	See also Hughes 1996, pp. 46–7; Lombardi 2001, pp. 9 and 25.	See also Hughes 1996, pp. 46–7; Lombardi 2001, pp. 9 and 29.
note 46 p. 246	Gillis 1974 (Ital. trans. 1981), pp. 42–3; Shorter 1975 (Ital. trans. 1978), pp. 98–107; Laslett 1977b; Stone 1977; Mitterauer and Sieder 1977 (Eng. trans. 1982), pp. 123–4; Flandrin 1981, pp. 279–321; Burguière 1986c; Matthews Grieco 1991b; Rogers 1993, p. 296; Schindler 1994, pp. 315–16; Savrer 1997.	Gillis 1974 (Ital. trans. 1981), pp. 42–3; Shorter 1975 (Ital. trans. 1978), pp. 98–107; Laslett 1977b; Stone 1977; Mitterauer and Sieder 1977 (Eng. trans. 1982), pp. 123–4; Flandrin 1981, pp. 279–321; Burguière 1986c; Matthews Grieco 1991b; Rogers 1993, p. 296; Schindler 1994, pp. 315–16; Saurer 1997.
note 49 p. 246	De Giorgio, Klapisch-Zuber 1996, p. viii. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) reduced impediments from the seventh to the fourth degree of consanguinity or affinity. Marriage was also forbidden in case of spiritual affinity resulting from godparentage, see pp. 128–9; Lombardi 2001, p. 32.	De Giorgio, Klapisch-Zuber 1996, p. viii. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) reduced impediments from the seventh to the fourth degree of consanguinity or affinity. Marriage was also forbidden in case of spiritual affinity resulting from godparentage, see Watt 2001, pp. 128–9; Lombardi 2001, p. 32. On godparentage see Fine 1994.
note 50 p. 246	Stone 1977 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 35; Gaudemet 1987; Ferrante 1994b; Hughes 1996, pp. 22–6; Dear, Lowe (eds) 1998; Watt 2001; Lombudi 2001, p. 32.	Stone 1977 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 35; Gaudemet 1987; Ferrante 1994b; Hughes 1996, pp. 22–6; Dean, Lowe (eds) 1998; Watt 2001; Lombardi 2001, p. 32.
note 55 p. 247	Quotation from Lebrun 1986b (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 98–9. For the original Latin, see Alberigo, Joannou, Leonardi and Prodi (eds) 1962, p. 731 (Session XXIV, 11 November 1563, Canones super reformationes circa matrimonium, Chapter I, Tametsi). On the directives of the Council of Trent, see Gaudemet 1987 (Ital. trans. 1989), pp. 278–95; Ferrante 1994a, 1994b and 1998; Zarri 1996 and 2000, pp. 203–50; Lombardi 1996 and 2001, pp. 99–126; Pelaja 1994 and 1996; Fazio 1996, pp. 160–4; Accal 1998.	Quotation from Lebrun 1986b (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 98–9. For the original Latin, see Alberigo, Joannou, Leonardi and Prodi (eds) 1962, p. 731 (Session XXIV, 11 November 1563, Canones super reformationes circa matrimonium, Chapter I, Tametsi). On the directives of the Council of Trent, see Gaudemet 1987 (Ital. trans. 1989), pp. 278–95; Ferrante 1994a, 1994b and 1998; Zarri 1996 and 2000, pp. 203–50; Lombardi 1996 and 2001, pp. 99–126; Pelaja 1994 and 1996; Fazio 1996, pp. 160–4; Accati 1998.
note 62 p. 247	Gottlieb 1993, p. 70; Fazio 1996, p. 164. In France, civil marriage was introduced by the Constitution of 1791 and more particularly by the Law of 20 September 1792. In the Civil Code (1804), the family is no longer perceived as something that arises from a contractual union, but from a natural community; see Rosanvallon 1992 (Ital. trans. 1994).	Gottlieb 1993, p. 70; Fazio 1996, p. 164. In France, civil marriage was introduced by the Constitution of 1791 and more particularly by the Law of 20 September 1792, see Garaud and Sramkiewicz 1978; Burguière 1991. In the Civil Code (1804), the family is no longer perceived as something that arises from a contractual union, but from a natural community; see Rosanvallon 1992 (Ital. trans. 1994).
note 78 p. 247	Stone 1990, pp. 139–82; Phillips 1991, pp. 81–92; Seidel Menchi 2000, p. 29 etc.	Stone 1990, pp. 139–82; Thompson 1991; Phillips 1991, pp. 81–92; Seidel Menchi 2000, p. 29 etc.
note 79 p. 247	Lieber, Schereschewsky 1971; Ainsztein, Kashain, Posner and Schereschewsky 1974; Schereschewsky 1972; Bonfield 2001, p. 108.	Lieber, Schereschewsky 1971; Ainsztein, Kashani, Posner and Schereschewsky 1974; Schereschewsky 1972; Bonfield 2001, p. 108.
note 82 p. 247	Levin 1989, pp. 298–350 (Orthodox priests may marry, but if they are celibate before ordination they cannot marry afterwards); Roper 1985, pp. 85–7.	Levin 1989, pp. 248–250 (Orthodox priests may marry, but if they are celibate before ordination they cannot marry afterwards); Roper 1985, pp. 85–7.
note 89 p. 249	Berkner 1972; Czap Jr. 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), p. 154; Burguière 1986c (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 126–9.	Berkner 1972; Czap Jr. 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), p. 154; Burguière 1986c (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 126–9; Kaser 2001, p. 48.
note 127 p. 249	Baerenstein 1994.	Baernstein 1994, pp. 804–5.
note 130 p. 249	Baerenstein 1994, p. 798. On families in monasteries, see Zarri 2000, pp. 82ff.	Baernstein 1994, p. 798. On families in monasteries, see Zarri 2000, pp. 82-100.
note 157 p. 251	Elias 1968 and 1975 (Ital. trans. 1980), pp. 44–67; Karnoouh 1979.	Elias 1969 and 1975 (Ital. trans. 1980), pp. 44–67; Karnoouh 1979.
note 158 p. 251	Aristotle and the author of the treatise on economics attributed to him perceived the house (in Greek oikos, and ‘economics’ derives from oikonomia, which means ‘house law’ or the science of home management) as the natural unit in social organization. Relations between members of a domestic community reflected those that were typical of a state: a husband’s power over his wife was ‘aristocratic’, his power over his children was ‘monarchical’ and his power over his slaves was ‘despotic or tyrannical’. It is not possible to examine this argument further here, but for further analysis, see Brunner 1950; Schwab 1979; Sabean 1990, pp. 91–3. The revival of Aristotelianism also played an important role in France and Italy in creating the image of the home and the family as a clearly identifiable and possibly self-sufficient hierarchical unit. On the situation in Italy, see Frigo 1985; Casali 1979 and 1982 and the critical considerations of Ambrosoli 1987; on the situation in France, see Francia Schwab 1979, pp. 268–9.	Aristotle and the author of the treatise on economics attributed to him perceived the house (in Greek oikos, and ‘economics’ derives from oikonomia, which means ‘house law’ or the science of home management) as the natural unit in social organization. Relations between members of a domestic community reflected those that were typical of a state: a husband’s power over his wife was ‘constitutional’, his power over his children was ‘monarchical’ and his power over his slaves was ‘despotic or tyrannical’. It is not possible to examine this argument further here, but for further analysis, see Brunner 1950; Schwab 1979; Sabean 1990, pp. 91–3. The revival of Aristotelianism also played an important role in France and Italy in creating the image of the home and the family as a clearly identifiable and possibly self-sufficient hierarchical unit. On the situation in Italy, see Frigo 1985; Casali 1979 and 1982 and the critical considerations of Ambrosoli 1987; on the situation in France, see Francia Schwab 1979, pp. 268–9.
note 160 p. 251	Sabean 1990, p. 93. For more general information, see Hochstrasser 1993, p. 96; van Dülmen 1990, Vol. I pp. 12–23. On the concept of feu and fuoco, see for France Guerreau-Jalabert 1981, p. 1030; Zeller 1983 on Italy see es Herlihy Klapisch-Zuber 1978.	Sabean 1990, p. 93. For more general information, see Hochstrasser 1993, p. 96; van Dülmen 1990, vol. I, pp. 12–23. On the concept of feu and fuoco, see for France Guerreau-Jalabert 1981, p. 1030; Zeller 1983. On Italy see for instance Herlihy Klapisch-Zuber 1978.
note 167 p. 251	On the centrality of the concept of ‘house’ in the Iberian world, see Martin Casares, forthcoming.	On the centrality of the concept of ‘house’ in the Iberian world, see Martín Casares, forthcoming.
II. Home and Family: Bringing Things Together
note 4 p. 252	Poni 1982; Biagioli 1986; Barbagli 1996; Czap Jr. 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Ralison 1977, p. 119 and pp. 121–2; Burguière 1986a (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 51–2; Fauve-Chamoux 1993, pp. 490–1; Hammel 1972; Palazzi 1997, pp. 310–27.	Poni 1982; Biagioli 1986; Barbagli 1996; Czap Jr. 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Raison 1977, p. 119 and pp. 121–2; Burguière 1986a (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 51–2; Fauve-Chamoux 1993, pp. 490–1; Hammel 1972; Palazzi 1997, pp. 310–27.
note 8 p. 252	On the situation in Galitia, see Dubert-García 1992, pp. 119–20. On the labourers, see Barbagli 1996 and 1987; Osswald 1990; Andorka and Faragó 1983, pp. 294–6; Schlumbohm 1998, p. 58 (Belm is in Osnabrück, but in the early modern era it was part of Westphalia). Garriolo Arce 1998, p. 213. See also the case of the landless family in Courland in Plakans 1975, p. 652. According to Kaser 1998, p. 172, the spread of nuclear families in the Mediterranean societies was linked to the high level of urbanization in the area (such families were common in south-western Spain, southern Italy and in parts of Greece).	On the situation in Galitia, see Dubert-García 1992, pp. 119–20. On the labourers, see Barbagli 1996 and 1987; Osswald 1990; Andorka and Faragó 1983, pp. 294–6; Schlumbohm 1998, p. 58 (Belm is in Osnabrück, but in the early modern era it was part of Westphalia); Garrido Arce 1998, p. 213. See also the case of the landless family in Courland in Plakans 1975, p. 652. According to Kaser 1998, p. 172, the spread of nuclear families in the Mediterranean societies was linked to the high level of urbanization in the area (such families were common in south-western Spain, southern Italy and in parts of Greece).
note 24 p. 253	Roper 1985, pp. 91–3; Gautenet 1987.	Roper 1985, pp. 91–3; Gaudemet 1987 (Ital. trans. 1989).
note 39 p. 254	Restif de la Bretonne, Monsieur Nicolas, ed. J.-J. Pauvert, vol. I, 1959, quoted in Burguière 1986c (Ital. trans. 1988), p. 135 (the italics for the title monssieur are mine).	Restif de la Bretonne, Monsieur Nicolas, ed. J.-J. Pauvert, vol. I, 1959, quoted in Burguière 1986c (Ital. trans. 1988), p. 135 (the italics for the title monsieur are mine).
note 46 p. 254	Hajnal 1965 (Ital. trans. 1977) and 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Hammel 1972; Laslett 1977a (Ital. trans. 1977); Wall, Robin and Laslett (eds) 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Kaser 1998, pp. 172–5; Wall 1998, p. 261; Toderova 1998.	Hajnal 1965 (Ital. trans. 1977) and 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Laslatt and Wall (eds) 1972; Hammel 1972; Laslett 1977a (Ital. trans. 1977); Wall, Robin and Laslett (eds) 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Kaser 1998, pp. 172–5 and 2001; Wall 1997, p. 261; Todorova 1997; Faragó 1998.
note 49 p. 254	Collomp 1984, pp. 150 and 154–5. For peasant reproduction strategies, see Augustins 1989.	Collomp 1984, pp. 150 and 154–5. For peasant reproduction strategies, see Augustins 1982 and 1989; Derouet 1994.
note 50 p. 254	Niederösterreichisches Landesarchiv, B.G. Litschau, Herrschaft Heidenreichstein, n. 66, fol. 187, quoted in Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977), p. 120. Strictly speaking this was not a sale, but an inheritance.	Niederösterreichisches Landesarchiv, B.G. Litschau, Herrschaft Heidenreichstein, n. 66, fol. 187, quoted in Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977), p. 120. Strictly speaking this was a sale, not an inheritance.
note 59 p. 254	On the relationship between inheritance systems and family structures, see Goldschmidt and Kunkel 1971 (Ital. trans. 1977); Berkner and Mendels 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977) and now particularly in relation to stem families, Fauve-Chamoux and Ochiai (eds) 1998, which looks into the complex problems in defining the concept that have necessarily been ignored here. It should be remembered that the concept of a stem family (famille-souche) in French was introduced in the nineteenth century by Frédéric Le Play and later became the object of various interpretations, partly for ideological reasons, see Douglass 1993; Verdon 1996; Cerman 1997; Emmer 1998.	On the relationship between inheritance and family structures, see Goldschmidt and Kunkel 1971 (Ital. trans. 1977); Berkner and Mendels 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977) and now particularly in relation to stem families, Fauve-Chamoux and Ochiai (eds) 1998, which looks into the complex problems in defining the concept that have necessarily been ignored here. It should be remembered that the concept of a stem family (famille-souche in French) was introduced in the nineteenth century by Frédéric Le Play and later became the object of various interpretations, partly for ideological reasons, see Douglass 1993; Verdon 1996; Cerman 1997; Ehmer 1998.
note 62 p. 254	Fauve-Chamoux 1987 and 1994; Ungari 1974. For other cases of getting round egalitarian laws, see Derovet 1994, pp. 47–91. Palazzi 1997, pp. 67–77.	Fauve-Chamoux 1987 and 1994; Ungari 1974. For other cases of getting round egalitarian laws, see Derouet 1994, pp. 47–51. Palazzi 1997, pp. 67–77.
note 63 p. 254	Schilumbohm 1998.	Schlumbohm 1998.
note 64 p. 255	Consolidating Act no. 8 of 7 February 1962; Dozen by Provincial Consolidating Act (Province of Bolzano) no. 32 of 28 December 1978; Provincial Laws no. 10 of 26 March 1982, no. 5 of 24 February 1993 and no. 17 of 28 November 2001.	Consolidating Act no. 8 of 7 February 1962; Provincial Consolidating Act (Province of Bolzano/Bozen) no. 32 of 28 December 1978; Provincial Laws no. 10 of 26 March 1982, no. 5 of 24 February 1993 and no. 17 of 28 November 2001.
note 67 p. 255	The agnatic kinship consists of relations along the paternal line.	The agnatic kinship consists of relations along the male line.
note 71 p. 255	Cadets are the male first-born’s younger brothers and, in a wider screr, sisters. In systems based on primogeniture, they are excluded as a matter of principle, although in practice there were cases in which the first-born was not the heir, see Ago 1994a.	Cadets are the male first-born’s younger brothers and, in a wider sense, sisters. In systems based on primogeniture, they are excluded as a matter of principle, although in practice there were cases in which the first-born was not the heir, see Ago 1994a.
note 75 p. 255	Cooper 1976, p. 291; Hurswich 1998.	Cooper 1976, p. 291; Hurwich 1998.
note 83 p. 255	Ehmer 1998, pp. 60–1. On the distinction between succession and inheritance see Augustins 1982 and 1988. See also Bourdelais and Gourdon 2000, pp. 28–9; Rosental 2000, pp. 57–8.	Ehmer 1998, pp. 60–1. On the distinction between succession and inheritance see Augustins 1982 and 1989. See also Bourdelais and Gourdon 2000, pp. 28–9; Rosental 2000, pp. 57–8.
note 97 p. 255	Ferrer i Mòs 1993	Ferrer i Alòs 1993.
note 100 p. 255	A. Verri, Il Caffé, ed. Silvestri, 1818, vol. discorsk vaxi, p. 82; G. Filangieri, Scienza della legislazione, Philadelphia (but probably Livorno), 1799, book II, vol. I, chapter IV, p. 282, both quoted in Mainoni 1900, p. 924. For the changes in Italy, see Ungari 1974, pp. 39–41; Barbagli 1996, pp., 176–88. Fideicommissa were reintroduced in the nineteenth century. See also chapter 7.	A. Verri, Discorsi vari, ed. Silvestri, 1818, p. 233; G. Filangieri, Scienza della legislazione, Filadelfia (but probably Livorno), 1799, book II, vol. I, chapter IV, p. 282, both quoted in Mainoni 1900, p. 924. For the changes in Italy, see Ungari 1974, pp. 39–41; Barbagli 1996, pp. 176–88. Fideicommissa were reintroduced in the nineteenth century. See also chapter 7.
note 106 p. 256	Mitterauer and Sieder 1977 (Eng. trans. 1982); Stone 1977 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 692 and graph 16. On illegitimacy in the Hapsburg Empire see Saurer 2000, who also considers the role of military service.	Mitterauer and Sieder 1977 (Eng. trans. 1982); Stone 1977 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 692 and graph 16. On illegitimacy in the Hapsburg Empire see Saurer 1997, who also considers the role of military service.
note 107 p. 256	Sieder and Màterauer 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), pp. 209–11.	Sieder and Mitterauer 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), pp. 209–11.
note 108 p. 256	Rudolph 1992 and Pfister 2001, which helpfully summarizes the terms used in the debate on the influence proto-industrialization had on families. By proto-industrialization, we mean the development, particularly in the textile sector, of work carried out in the home and organized by merchant-entrepreneurs. On this subject, see also chapter 4, para. 1 of this volume.	Rudolph 1992 and Pfister 2001, which helpfully summarize the debate on the influence proto-industrialization had on families. By proto-industrialization, we mean the development, particularly in the textile sector, of work carried out in the home and organized by merchant-entrepreneurs. On this subject, see also chapter 4, para. 1 of this volume.
note 126 p. 256	On the steep rise in the value of dowries, see Chabot 1994 and Chabot and Fornasari 1998.	On the steep rise in the value of dowries, see Chabot 1994; Chabot and Fornasari 1998; Carboni 1999, pp. 30–3. On their different functions see Augustins 1982 and 1989.
note 127 p. 256	Goody 1976 and 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Hughes 1978 and 1996; Ago, Palazzi and Pomata (eds) 1994; Lazio 1992 and 1996; De Giorgio and Klapisch-Zuber (eds) 1996; Alessi 1996; Martini 1996; Delille 1996a and 1996b.	Goody 1976 and 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Hughes 1978 and 1996; Ago, Palazzi and Pomata (eds) 1994; Fazio 1992 and 1996; De Giorgio and Klapisch-Zuber (eds) 1996; Alessi 1996; Martini 1996; Delille 1996a and 1996b. In early modern times the dowry was very important also among Jews who lived in Europe. To provide daughters with a dowry, they even reduced heritage shares for sons, see Shilo 1971; Schereschewsky and editorial staff 1971; Allegra 1996, pp. 165-208.
note 137 p. 257	Ago 1995; Fazio 1990; Delille 1996a, pp. 291–3 and 1996b, pp. 76–7; Cavallo 1998, especially p. 188. On the decreasing inde- pendence of wives in nineteenth-century Bologna, see Martini 1998b. Assets that were stradotali parafernali were those belonging to a married woman beyond her flowery. Sometimes the definition of beni stridotali referred only to those as sets obtained by women during the marriage through a legacy or substitution.	Ago 1995; Fazio 1990; Delille 1996a, pp. 291–3 and 1996b, pp. 76–7; Cavallo 1998, especially p. 188. On the decreasing inde- pendence of wives in nineteenth-century Bologna, see Martini 1998b. Assets that were stradotali or parafernali were those belonging to a married woman beyond her dowry. Sometimes the definition of beni stradotali referred only to those assets obtained by women during the marriage through a legacy or substitution.
note 164 p. 258	Montanari 1991, p. 250, see also n. 2, chapter V.	Girolamo Cirelli, Il villano smascherato, ed. Gian Ludovico Masetti Zannini, in Rivista di storia dell’agricoltura, 1967, I, partly republished in Montanari 1991, p. 250, see also n. 2, chapter V.
III. Configuration of the House and the Family
note 4 p. 258	On these communities see Raison 1977; Burguiere 1986a (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 51–2.	On these communities see Raison 1977; Burguière 1986a (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 51–2.
note 19 p. 259	On financial pressures and the large houses as status symbols, see Roux 1976 (Ital. trans. 1982), pp. 9 and 25–6; Luttazzi-Gregori 1983, p. 143. Until the sixteenth century, different noble families in Italian cities were often brought together on a territorial basis, see Casanova 1997; on the situation in Genoa, see Hughes 1975 (Ital. trans. 1979). On the situation in Florence, see Herlihy and Klapisch-Zuber 1978 (Ital. trans. 1988); Bizzocchi 1982, pp. 15 and 40–1. On the role of the palazzo, see Goldthwaite 1980 (Ital. trans. 1984), and 1993 (Ital. trans 1996), pp. 202 and 227–8; Casanova 1997, pp. 63–4.	On economic functions of the large houses and their role as status symbols, see Roux 1976 (Ital. trans. 1982), pp. 9 and 25–6; Luttazzi-Gregori 1983, p. 143. Until the sixteenth century, different noble families in Italian cities were often brought together on a territorial basis, see Casanova 1997; on the situation in Genoa, see Hughes 1975 (Ital. trans. 1979). On the situation in Florence, see Herlihy and Klapisch-Zuber 1978 (Ital. trans. 1988); Bizzocchi 1982, pp. 15 and 40–1. On the role of the palazzo, see Goldthwaite 1980 (Ital. trans. 1984), and 1993 (Ital. trans 1995), pp. 202 and 227–8; Casanova 1997, pp. 63–4.
note 20 p. 259	Archive of the Archbishopric of Bologna, Parrocchia di Santo Stefano, Status animarum, 1792, 1796 and 1799. See Sarti 1991, p. 255.	Archive of the Archbishopric of Bologna, Parrocchia di Santo Stefano, Status animarum, 1792, 1796 and 1799. See Sarti 1992, p. 255.
note 23 p. 259	Goody 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977); Berliner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977).	Goody 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977); Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977).
note 32 p. 259	Niederösterreichisches Landesarchiv, B.G. Litschau, Herrschaft Heidenreichstein, n. 66, fol. 187, quoted in Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977), p. 120. On this kind of contract (Ausgeding everträge) see also Chapter I.	Niederösterreichisches Landesarchiv, B.G. Litschau, Herrschaft Heidenreichstein, n. 66, fol. 187, quoted in Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977), p. 120. On this kind of contracts (Ausgedinge verträge) see also Chapter II, para. 3.
note 40 p. 259	On eastern Europe, see Kula 1972, p. 950; Kochanowicz 1983, p. 162; Plakaus 1975, p. 654; Ehmer 1991, p. 46. Kaser 2001, who thinks ‘that the owner’s intervention in household composition is largely a west European phenomenon’, p. 37; on sharecropping in Italy, see Poni 1982.	On eastern Europe, see Kula 1972, p. 950; Kochanowicz 1983, p. 162; Plakans 1975, p. 654; Ehmer 1991, p. 46. Kaser 2001, who thinks ‘that the owner’s intervention in household composition is largely a west European phenomenon’, p. 37; on sharecropping in Italy, see Poni 1982.
note 43 p. 259	On Corsica see Augustins 1982, pp. 63–4. On Hungary see...Wall 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), pp. 40–1; Andorka and Faragó 1983. For the anthropological survey on Átány see Edit Fél, Tamás Hofer, Proper Peasants, Chicago 1969. I am grateful to Tamás Farago for information about Hungarian families.	On Corsica see Augustins 1982, pp. 63–4. On Hungary see Wall 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), pp. 40–1; Andorka and Faragó 1983; Kaser 2001, pp. 47–8. For the anthropological survey on Átány see Edit Fél, Tamás Hofer, Proper Peasants, Chicago 1969. I am grateful to Tamás Faragó for information about Hungarian families.
note 48 p. 260	Relier 1998.	Reher 1998.
IV. The Home
note 1 p. 260	Bairoch, Batou and Chèvre 1988, pp. 255–9, tables B1 and B2; Lepetit 1995, pp. 297 and 302–4. For other data on the degree of urbanization, see de Vries 1984 and Livi Bacci 1998, p. 51.	Bairoch, Batou and Chèvre 1988, pp. 254–5, tables B1 and B2; Lepetit 1995, pp. 297 and 302–4. For other data on the degree of urbanization, see de Vries 1984 and Livi Bacci 1998, p. 51.
note 2 p. 260	Rösener 1995, p. 41; Aymard 1995.	Rösener 1995, p. 41; Aymard 1995; Kaser 2001.
note 4 p. 260	Mendeli 1972; Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1984; Rudolph 1992 and Ogilvie (ed.) 1993, with bibliography.	Mendels 1972; Kriedte, Medick and Schlumbohm 1984; Rudolph 1992; Ogilvie (ed.) 1993; Pfister 2001.
note 9 p. 260	Pounds 1989, pp. 110–13.	Pounds 1989, pp. 110–13. On the čiflik see Kaser 2001, pp. 30–1.
note 27 p. 260	Pounds 1989, p. 126.	Pounds 1989, pp. 126 and 132.
note 51 p. 261	For example, Davidson 1982, p. 93.	For example, Davidson 1982, p. 93; Frugoni 1997, p. 161.
note 57 p. 261	On the use of this definition, see above, chapter I, para. 7; for its etymology, see Cortelazzo and Zolli 1979–88; Palazzi and Folena 1992. The actual word for ‘fire’ in Latin is ignis. On the symbolic value of a fire, see also Kykwert 1991.	On the use of this definition, see above, chapter I, para. 7; for its etymology, see Cortelazzo and Zolli 1979–88; Palazzi and Folena 1992. The actual word for ‘fire’ in Latin is ignis. On the symbolic value of a fire, see also Rykwert 1991.
note 69 p. 262	Collomp 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987), p. 402; Goubert 1987.	Collomp 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987), p. 402; Goubert 1987; Pounds 1989, p. 122.
note 78 p. 262	Van Dulmen 1990, pp. 56–7.	Van Dülmen 1990, pp. 56–7.
note 87 p. 262	G. Bouchard, Le Village immobile: Sennely-en-Sologne au XIIIe siècle, Paris, 1972, p. 98, quoted in Collomp 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987), p. 404; Waro-Desjardins 1993, p. 5.	G. Bouchard, Le Village immobile: Sennely-en-Sologne au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1972, p. 98, quoted in Collomp 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987), p. 404; Waro-Desjardins 1993, p. 5.
note 93 p. 262	De Vries 1993, p. 100 and more generally the whole volume edited by Brewer and Porter 1993. For a review of historical studies into consumption (mainly based on English-language works), see Glennie 1995.	De Vries 1993, p. 100 and more generally the whole volume edited by Brewer and Porter 1993. For a review of historical studies into consumption (mainly based on English-language works), see Glennie 1995. See also note 11 of the Introduction.
note 97 p. 263	For the definitions of ‘hall’ and ‘parlour’, see Barley 1985; Brown 1986; Watkin 1986 (Ital. trans. 1990), p 250. In a previous age, ‘halls’ had been the main room in a house, where people ate, drank and entertained. As time went on its role was diminished to that of an entrance room or passageway, and the role of reception room was taken over by the ‘parlour’. On this point, see also para. 16 of this chapter.	For the definitions of ‘hall’ and ‘parlour’, see Barley 1985; Brown 1986; Watkin 1986 (Ital. trans. 1990), p 250. In a previous age, ‘halls’ had been the main room in a house, where people ate, drank and entertained. As time went on its role was diminished to that of an entrance room or passageway, and the role of reception room was taken over by the ‘parlour’. On this point, see also para. 17 of this chapter.
note 112 p. 263	Davidson 1982, p. 103 and Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 275–82.	Davidson 1982, pp. 103–4 and Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 275–82.
note 128 p. 263	Weatherill 1988, p. 88, fig. 4.4.	Weatherill 1988, p. 80, fig. 4.3 and p. 88, fig. 4.4.
note 132 p. 263	Bairocli, Batou and Chèvre 1988, p. 278, table B14 and, for the figures for London, p. 33; Roux 1976 (Ital. trans. 1982), p. 177; de Vries 1984.	Bairoch, Batou and Chèvre 1988, p. 278, table B14 and, for the figures for London, p. 33; Roux 1976 (Ital. trans. 1982), p. 177; de Vries 1984.
note 137 p. 264	Simoncini (ed.) 1995, pp. 10–13.	Simoncini 1995, pp. 10–13.
note 139 p. 264	Roux 1976 (Ital. trans. 1982), p. 183.	Roux 1976 (Ital. trans. 1982), p. 183; Zorzi 1990, p. 34; Sori 2001, p. 39.
note 141 p. 264	For the history of smells, see Corbin 1982.	For the history of smells, see Corbin 1982; Sori 2001.
note 142 p. 264	William Petty, Traisé des taxes et contributions, in Oeuvres économiques de Sir William Petty, 1905, I, pp. 39–40 quoted in Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 514. On this expansion, see Stone and Fawtier Stone 1984 and 1986 (Ital. trans. 1989), p. 273, with bibliographical references.	William Petty, Traité des taxes et contributions, in Les oeuvres économiques de Sir William Petty, 1905, I, pp. 39–40 quoted in Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 514. On this expansion, see Stone and Fawtier Stone 1984 and 1986 (Ital. trans. 1989), p. 273, with bibliographical references.
note 145 p. 264	Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 456. See also Pardallhé-Galabrun 1988, p. 244.	Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 457. See also Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, p. 244 and Sori 2001.
note 152 p. 264	G.J. Grelot, Relation nouvelle d’un voyage de Costantinople, Paris, 1681, pp. 299–301, quoted in Scaraffia 1993, pp. 89–90. On the closure of public baths, see chapter VI, para. 2.	G.J. Grelot, Relation nouvelle d’un voyage de Costantinople, Paris, 1681, pp. 299–301, quoted in Scaraffia 1993, pp. 89–90. On the closure of public baths, see chapter VI, para. 2. I am grateful to Gul Ozyegin for information about public toilets (abdesthane).
note 159 p. 264	Davidson 1982, p. 26; Pounds 1989, pp. 247–8, 274 and 277–8; Vigarello 1985 (Ital. trans. 1988), p. 130 and passim; Montenegro 1996, p. 69; Sorcinelli 1998, pp. 38–42. In his book, The Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), Harington described the water closet with a flush that he had installed at his home in Kelston, near Bath. On the slow pace of modernization at the court of Savoy, see Cornaglia 2000.	Davidson 1982, p. 26; Pounds 1989, pp. 247–8, 274 and 277–8; Vigarello 1985 (Ital. trans. 1988), p. 130 and passim; Montenegro 1996, p. 69; Sorcinelli 1998, pp. 38–42. In his book, The Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), Harington described the water closet with a flush that he had installed at his home in Kelston, near Bath. On the slow pace of modernization of sanitary services at the court of Savoy, see Cornaglia 2000.
note 161 p. 264	Augusrin-Charles D’Aviler, Cours d’Architecture (1691), part of which appears in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 611–623, quotation on p. 612.	Augustin-Charles D’Aviler, Cours d’Architecture, Paris 1766 (1691 1st edn), part of which appears in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 611–623, quotation on p. 612.
note 173 p. 265	See amongst other works Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993).	See amongst other works Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993) and Sori 2001.
note 174 p. 265	Davidson 1982, pp. 28–9; de Vries 1984, pp. 175–249.	Davidson 1982, pp. 28–9; de Vries 1984, pp. 175–249; Sori 2001, pp. 33, 57 etc.
note 181 p. 265	Pardallhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 342–8.	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 342–8.
note 182 p. 265	Pardallhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 253–4 and 341; Cieraad 1999 (I would like to thank Kester Dibbits for having informed me of this article).	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 253–4 and 341; Cieraad 1999 (I would like to thank Hester Dibbits for having informed me of this article).
note 185 p. 265	Palazzi 1986.	Palazzi 1985, p. 356.
note 202 p. 266	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 284–6. In order to avoid new-born babies being squashed by the bodies of the adults and particularly wet-nurses with whom they slept, a kind of protective cage made of wood and metal, called an arcucciò, was invented in Renaissance Florence. However, there was a widespread use of cots, often made of wicker (fig. 50), but for the rich they were usually more elaborate, see Fildes 1986, pp. 89–90 and 112; Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 253–7.	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 284–6. In order to avoid new-born babies being squashed by the bodies of the adults and particularly wet-nurses with whom they slept, a kind of protective cage made of wood and metal, called an arcuccio, was invented in Renaissance Florence. However, there was a widespread use of cots, often made of wicker (fig. 50), but for the rich they were usually more elaborate, see Fildes 1986, pp. 89–90 and 112; Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 253–7.
note 210 p. 266	Giovanni Biagio Amico, L’architetto pratico, in cui con facilità si danno le regole per aprendere l’Architettura Civile, e Militare, vols I–II, Palermo, 1726 and 1750, partly republished in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, quotation on p. 636.	Giovanni Biagio Amico, L’architetto pratico, in cui con facilità si danno le regole per apprendere l’Architettura Civile, e Militare, vols I–II, Palermo, 1726 and 1750, partly republished in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, quotation on p. 636.
note 213 p. 266	For the evolution of seating arrangements, see Elias 1969 (Ital. trans. 1982); Hayward 1965 (Ital. trans. 1992); Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 168–91 (p. 168 on seating for women); Montenegro 1996, pp. 50, 94 and 137. On the presence of chairs for women in sixteenth-century Venice, see Palumbo-Fossati 1987, p. 141.	For the evolution of seating arrangements, see Elias 1969 (Ital. trans. 1982); Hayward 1965 (Ital. trans. 1992); Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 168–91 (p. 168 on seating for women); Montenegro 1996, pp. 50, 94 and 137. On the presence of chairs for women in sixteenth-century Venice, see Palumbo-Fossati 1984, p. 141.
note 218 p. 266	See para. 16 of this chapter.	See para. 17 of this chapter.
note 219 p. 266	Chartier 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987) and 1987 (Ital. trans. 1988); Ranum 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987); Engelsing 1978; Schenda 1986 and 1987; Sarti 1991. On cultural consumption, see the essays in part IV of Brewer and Porter (eds) 1993.	Chartier 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987) and 1987 (Ital. trans. 1988); Ranum 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987); Engelsing 1978; Schenda 1986 and 1987; Sarti 1991. On cultural consumption, see Mukerji 1983; the essays in part IV of Brewer and Porter (eds) 1993; Bermingham and Brewer (eds) 1995.
note 221 p. 266	Palumbo-Fossati 1984, pp. 126 and 133–4; Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 419ff.	Palumbo-Fossati 1984, pp. 126 and 133–4; Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 419–26, 468.
note 227 p. 267	On Alberti, the concept of masserizia and attitudes towards consumption in the Renaissance, see Goldthwaite 1993 (Ital. trans. 1995), particularly pp. 215–23; Pullan 1978, pp. 997–8 (from which I obtained this quotation on the humanist view of wealth). For the study of an example of unease with affluencesee Schama 1987 (Ital. trans. 1988). On the situation in Venice, see Palumbo-Fossati 1984, who takes up the concept of patina that appeared in Grant McCracken, Culture and Consumption. New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities, Bloomington, 1988.	On Alberti, the concept of masserizia and attitudes towards consumption in the Renaissance, see Goldthwaite 1993 (Ital. trans. 1995), particularly pp. 215–23 (quotation from p. 222); Pullan 1978, pp. 997–8 (from which I obtained this quotation on the humanist view of wealth); see also Jardine 1996. For the study of an example of unease with affluence, that of the Dutch, see Schama 1987 (Ital. trans. 1988). On the situation in Venice, see Palumbo-Fossati 1, 984, pp. 125–144–145, who takes up the concept of patina that appeared in Grant McCracken, Culture and Consumption. New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities, Bloomington, 1988. On early diffusion of paintings in Italian houses see Goldthwaite 1993 (Ital. trans. 1995), pp. 256, 262 etc. On Dutch linen cupboards see Dibbits 1995, who takes up the concept of patina that appeared in Grant McCracken, Culture and Consumption. New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities, Bloomington, 1988.
note 238 p. 267	On the subsequent developments of this division of space, Montenegro 1996, p. 91.	On the subsequent developments of this division of space, Montenegro 1996, p. 91; Goldthwaite 1993 (Ital. trans. 1995), pp. 223–54.
note 240 p. 267	Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), p. 294.	Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), p. 294; Goldthwaite 1993 (Ital. trans. 1995), pp. 246–8.
note 247 p. 267	FOL.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir des maisons de campagne, où l’on traite de leur distribution, de leur construction, et de leur décoration, Paris, 1743, part I, partly republished in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 629–34, quotation on p. 632.	C.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir des maisons de campagne, où l’on traite de leur distribution, de leur construction, et de leur décoration, Paris, 1743, part I, partly republished in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 629–34, quotation on p. 632.
note 252 p. 267	For the situation in Renaissance Italy, see Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), p. 295 on; for the situation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France, see Augustin-Charles D’Aviler, Cours d’Architecture and FOL.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir, both in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 616 and 633 respectively.	For the situation in Renaissance Italy, see Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), p. 295 on; for the situation in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France, see Augustin-Charles D’Aviler, Cours d’Architecture and C.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir, both in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 616 and 633 respectively.
note 255 p. 268	Thornton 1997 and The Study Room in Renaissance Italy, with Particular Reference to Venice, circa 1560–1620 (doctoral thesis at the Warburg Institute, London University, 1990), quoted in Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), p. 391, note 3. Initially studies were furnished simply, but later they were decorated with ancient and precious objects (sometimes defined as ‘antiques’), and this was to give rise to what was called a Wunderkammer in German, i.e. a room where strange and wonderful things were preserved, Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 296–8.	Praz 1964 (1993), pp. 94–7, Thornton 1997 and D. Thornton, The Study Room in Renaissance Italy, with Particular Reference to Venice, circa 1560–1620 (doctoral thesis at the Warburg Institute, London University, 1990), quoted in Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), p. 391, note 3. Initially studies were furnished simply, but later they were decorated with ancient and precious objects (sometimes defined as ‘antiques’), and this was to give rise to what was called a Wunderkammer in German, i.e. a room where strange and wonderful things were preserved, Praz 1964 (1993), pp. 134–9, Thornton 1991 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 296–8.
note 258 p. 268	Augustin-Charles D’Aviler, Cours d’Architecture, in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, p. 616.	Augustin-Charles D’Aviler, Cours d’Architecture, in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 616–8.
note 263 p. 268	Pardaiihé-Galabrun 1988, p. 260.	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, p. 260.
note 274 p. 268	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 259–60.	Pardailhé-Galabrun 1988, pp. 257–60.
note 278 p. 268	Jacques-Francçois Blondel, Architecture Françoise..., Paris, 1752, vol. I, book I, p. 35, quoted in Mezzanotte 1995, p. 37.	Jacques-François Blondel, Architecture Françoise..., Paris, 1752, vol. I, book I, p. 35, quoted in Mezzanotte 1995, p. 37.
note 285 p. 268	Allegra 1996, pp. 255–7 (has taken the case of Anna Tedeschi from the Turin State Archive, Sezzinoi Riunite, Vicariato di Torino, vol. 1048, Miscellanea (1754–1800). In 1805, 414 families lived in the one building that constituted Turin’s ghetto. The first European ghetto was in Venice, dating back to 1516.	Allegra 1996, pp. 255–7 (he has taken the case of Anna Tedeschi from the Turin State Archive, Sezioni Riunite, Vicariato di Torino, vol. 1048, Miscellanea (1754–1800). In 1805, 414 families lived in the one building that constituted Turin’s ghetto. The first European ghetto was in Venice, dating back to 1516.
note 289 p. 269	Cosenza 1974, p. 95.	See para. 6 of this chapter.
note 300 p. 269	See para. 6 of this chapter.	See para. 6 of this chapter; Pounds 1989, pp. 48 and 135.
note 312 p. 269	John Vaubrugli, The Complete Works, ed. B. Dobrée and G. Webb, London, 1927, vol. IV, p. 71, quoted in Stone and Fawtier Stone 1984 and 1986, pp. 345–6. According to quotations contained in Evans 1978, neither Thorpe nor Pratt appear to have ever used the term ‘corridor’. The most ancient reference to the term was in 1591 according to the Oxford English Dictionary, but it referred to an element in the architecture of fortifications. All the occurrences of the term with the other listed meanings dated from the seventeenth century at the earliest.	John Vanbrugh, The Complete Works, ed. B. Dobrée and G. Webb, London, 1927, vol. IV, p. 71, quoted in Stone and Fawtier Stone 1984 and 1986, pp. 345–6. According to quotations contained in Evans 1978, neither Thorpe nor Pratt appear to have ever used the term ‘corridor’. The most ancient reference to the term was in 1591 according to the Oxford English Dictionary, but it referred to an element in the architecture of fortifications. All the occurrences of the term with the other listed meanings dated from the seventeenth century at the earliest. Corridors were to be found at an early stage in Dutch houses, see Cieraad 1999, p. 35.
note 315 p. 269	On these changes, see Elias 1969 (Ital. trans. 1982); Ariès and Duby 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987); Blok 1993; Meldrum 1999.	On these changes, see Elias 1969 (Ital. trans. 1982); Rybczynski 1986 (Ital. trans. 1989); Ariès and Duby 1986 (Ital. trans. 1987); Blok 1995; Meldrum 1999.
note 322 p. 270	Apart from the sources already referred to, see FOL.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir, in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, p. 633.	Apart from the sources already referred to, see C.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir, in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, p. 633.
note 323 p. 270	Roche 1981 (Ital. trans. 1986), p. 155; Maza 1983, pp. 184–5; Fairchilds 1984, pp. 38–9. In twentieth-century Germany, female servants were often still sleeping in a kind of raised recess in the kitchen (called a Hängeboden), see Müller 1985, p. 183.	Roche 1981 (Ital. trans. 1986), p. 155; Maza 1983, pp. 184–5; Fairchilds 1984, pp. 38–9. In Germany, until the twentieth century, female servants were often still sleeping in a kind of raised recess in the kitchen (called a Hängeboden), see Müller 1985, p. 183.
note 339 p. 270	FOL.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir, in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 630 and 634.	C.E. Briseux, L’Art de bâtir, in Simoncini (ed.) 1995, vol. II, pp. 630 and 634.
V. Food
note 24 p. 271	Spode 1994, p. 26 and p. 40, note 23; Ilauser 1994, pp. 307–8; Grassi, Pepe and Sestieri 1992, under the entry.	Spode 1994, p. 26 and p. 40, note 23; Hauser 1994, pp. 307–8; Grassi, Pepe and Sestieri 1992, under the entry.
note 43 p. 272	Baumgarten 1965, p. 10; Valeri 1977, p. 352; Stone 1977 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 217; Dülmen 1990, p. 73.	Baumgarten 1965, p. 10; Valeri 1977, p. 352; Stone 1977 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 217; van Dülmen 1990, p. 73.
note 47 p. 272	Wilhelin Riehl, Die Familie, Berlin, 1854, p. 150, quoted in Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977), p. 131.	Wilhelm Riehl, Die Familie, Berlin, 1854, p. 150, quoted in Berkner 1972 (Ital. trans. 1977), p. 131.
note 48 p. 272	In should be remembered that in many regions, particularly German ones, the servants (Knechte, if male, and Magde, if female) might have been brothers or sisters of the head of the family who had been excluded from the succession.	It should be remembered that in many regions, particularly German ones, the servants (Knechte, if male, and Mägde, if female) might have been brothers or sisters of the head of the family who had been excluded from the succession.
note 49 p. 272	See above, chapter IV, paras 16 and 17.	See above, chapter IV, paras 17 and 18.
note 56 p. 272	Hom 1975, p. 6; Fairchilds 1984, pp. 15–16 and 51; Sarti 1997a; Capatti and Montanari 1999 (I would like to thank the authors for having allowed me to read part of their book on cooks before its publication). A. Martín Casares informs me however that in sixteenth-century Granada, the most demanding tasks in the kitchens of upper-class homes were entrusted to the female slaves.	Horn 1975, p. 6; Fairchilds 1984, pp. 15–16 and 51; Sarti 1997a; Capatti and Montanari 1999 (I would like to thank the authors for having allowed me to read part of their book before its publication). A. Martín Casares informs me however that in sixteenth-century Granada, the most demanding tasks in the kitchens of upper-class homes were entrusted to the female slaves.
note 63 p. 273	Faccioli 1973; Bentini, Chiappini, Panatta and Visser Travagli 1988; Bertelli and Crifò (eds) 1985; Calvi and Bertelli 1983; Ricci 1994; Montanari 1994; Spode 1994; Manciulli 1996; Romani 1997. The quotations were taken from Vincenzo Cervio, Il trinciante, Rome, 1593 (1581 1st edn) and Bartolomeo Stefani, L’arte di ben cucinare, Mantova, 1662 and Venezia, 1666. Both texts were republished in Faccioli (ed.) 1992, pp. 528–37 and pp. 676–82 respectively.	Faccioli 1973; Bentini, Chiappini, Panatta and Visser Travagli 1988; Bertelli and Crifò (eds) 1985; Calvi and Bertelli 1983; Ricci 1994; Montanari 1994; Spode 1994; Manciulli 1996; Romani 1997. The quotations were taken from Vincenzo Cervio, Il trinciante, Rome, 1593 (1581 1st edn) and Bartolomeo Stefani, L’arte di ben cucinare, Mantova, 1662 and Venezia, 1666. Both texts were republished in Faccioli (ed.) 1992, quotations from pp. 528–37 and pp. 676–82 respectively.
note 65 p. 273	M. de Rabutin-Chantal, Lettres, ed. E. Gérerd-Gailly, Paris, 1953, I, pp. 232–6, in Montanari 1991, pp. 231–3; Fairchilds 1984, pp. 28–31. For further information on Watel, see Michel 1999.	M. de Rabutin-Chantal, Lettres, ed. E. Gérard-Gailly, Paris, 1953, I, pp. 232–6, in Montanari 1991, pp. 231–3; Fairchilds 1984, pp. 28–31. For further information on Watel, see Michel 1999.
note 67 p. 273	Interview with Italy’s premier female chef, Nadia Cavaliere Santini transmitted on 4 March 1998 by TG2 Costume and Società. On the breakdown between male and female cooks in Toulouse, see Fairchilds 1984, p. 51.	Interview with Nadia Cavaliere Santini, the first female chef in Italy who obtained three stars in the Michelin guide, transmitted on 4 March 1998 by TG2 Costume and Società. On the breakdown between male and female cooks in Toulouse, see Fairchilds 1984, p. 51.
note 74 p. 273	Tasso 1969, p. 543.	Tasso pub. 1969, p. 543.
note 94 p. 274	Giuseppe Antonio Costantini, Lettere critiche, giocose, morali, scientzfrche, ed erudite alla moda, ed al gusto del secolo presente, Naples, n.d., vol. VII, pp. 81–2, quoted in Fiume 1997, p. 91.	Giuseppe Antonio Costantini, Lettere critiche, giocose, morali, scientifiche, ed erudite alla moda, ed al gusto del secolo presente, Naples, n.d., vol. VII, pp. 81–2, quoted in Fiume 1997, p. 91.
note 114 p. 275	Johann Wilhelin von Archenholtz, Tableau de l’Angleterre, Gotha, 1788, vol. II, p. 156, quoted in Stone 1979 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 479.	Johann Wilhelm von Archenholtz, Tableau de l’Angleterre, Gotha, 1788, vol. II, p. 156, quoted in Stone 1979 (Ital. trans. 1983), p. 479.
note 125 p. 276	Florentin Thierriat, Discours de la preférence de la noblesse, quoted in Grieco 1996, p. 375.	Florentin Thierriat, Discours de la préférence de la noblesse, quoted in Grieco 1996, p. 375.
note 160 p. 276	On food-rationing institutions, see Guenzi 1995 and more generally Archivi di storia dell’alimentazione 1995.	On food-rationing institutions, see Guenzi 1995 and more generally Archivi per la storia dell’alimentazione 1995.
note 165 p. 277	Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 15; Montanari 1994, pp. 126 and 161; Dupaquier 1987; Livi Bacci 1998, pp. 14–15, fig. 1.1.	Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), p. 15; Montanari 1994, pp. 126 and 161; Dupâquier 1987; Livi Bacci 1998, pp. 14–15, fig. 1.1.
note 192 p. 277	Dal Pane 1969; Camporesi 1989; Flandrin 1996a, p. 433 and 1996c, pp. 473–4.	Dal Pane 1969; Camporesi 1989; Flandrin 1996a, p. 433 and 1996b, pp. 473–4.
note 194 p. 277	Drummond and Wilbraliam 1958; Levi 1996, p. 200.	Drummond and Wilbraham 1958; Levi 1996, p. 200.
note 198 p. 277	Giuseppe  Maria  Galanti,  Breve descrizione di Napoli and del suo contorno, Naples, 1803, p. 271, quoted in Visceglia 1991, p. 222.	Giuseppe Maria Galanti, Breve descrizione di Napoli e del suo contorno, Naples, 1803, p. 271, quoted in Visceglia 1991, p. 222.
note 217 p. 278	Morineau 1996, p. 583.	Morineau 1996, p. 454.
note 218 p. 278	Montanari 1994, p. 181; Komles 1988.	Livi Bacci 1987, pp. 142–5; Montanari 1994, p. 181; Komlos 1988.
note 220 p. 278	Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Viaggio in Italia, Novara, 1982, pp. 141–2, republished in Montanari 1991, pp. 357–8.	Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Viaggio in Italia, Novara, 1982, pp. 141–2, partly republished in Montanari 1991, pp. 357–8.
note 221 p. 278	H. Best, Rural economy in Yorkshire in 1641...(1641), pub. ‘Surtees Society Publications’, 1857, ed. FOL.B. Robinson, vol. XXXIII, p. 93, quoted in Laslett 1971, p. 73.	H. Best, Rural economy in Yorkshire in 1641...(1641), pub. ‘Surtees Society Publications’, 1857, ed. C.B. Robinson, vol. XXXIII, p. 93, quoted in Laslett 1971, p. 73.
note 223 p. 278	Wyczanski 1986; Pospiech 1997, p. 225.	Wyczanski 1985; Pospiech 1997, p. 225.
note 226 p. 278	Flandrin 1996b.	Flandrin 1996b; on Marsili see Lovarini (ed.) 1931, pp. 120-121.
VI. Clothing
note 3 p. 278	We occasionally find some evidence of male involvement in spinning in the home. See, for example, the print (n. 28) reproduced in FOL.D.M. Cossar, The German Translations of the Pseudo-Bernardine Epistola de cura rei familiaris, Göppingen, 1975, which shows a man holding a distaff in his left hand and a wool-winder in his right. See also Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), p. 375.	We occasionally find some evidence of male involvement in spinning in the home. See, for example, the print (n. 28) reproduced in C.D.M. Cossar, The German Translations of the Pseudo-Bernardine Epistola de cura rei familiaris, Göppingen, 1975, which shows a man holding a distaff in his left hand and a wool-winder in his right. See also Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), p. 375.
note 6 p. 279	Ribeiro 1984; Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), pp. 328–61; Lemirce 1991; Hufton 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), pp. 147–8; Vickery 1993b, p. 282; Dinges 1993; Malanima 1994, p. 37; Muzzarelli 1999, p. 12.	Ribeiro 1984; Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), pp. 328–61; Lemire 1991; Hufton 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), pp. 147–8; Vickery 1993b, p. 282; Dinges 1993; Malanima 1994, p. 37; Muzzarelli 1999, p. 12.
note 46 p. 280	Giulio Cesare Luigi Canali, La carità del prossimo celebrata, spiegata and promossa in più ragionamenti..., Bologna, 1763, vol. II, p. 57, quoted in Camporesi 1980, p. 63.	Giulio Cesare Luigi Canali, La carità del prossimo celebrata, spiegata e promossa in più ragionamenti..., Bologna, 1763, vol. II, p. 57, quoted in Camporesi 1980, p. 63.
note 55 p. 280	On the inventory of the Leoncini, see Muzzarelli 1999, pp. 55–6. For some cases of women who said, ‘he lifted my clothes’, see Niccoli 2000, pp. 126–7. I would like to thank Georgia Arrivo, whose doctoral thesis, Il sesso in tribunale. Dottrine, prassi giudiziaria e pratiche sociali nei processi per stupro nella Toscana delle Riforme (Turin University, examined on 26 January 2001), confirmed my belief in the absence of references to underpants in the trials that she examined. On the case of Domenico Righi and Laura Fabbri, see Niccoli 2000, p. 66, who obtained the information from the Bologna State Archive, Tribunale criminale del Torrone, Atti proces- suali, 5761. On the case of Andreas Köpple and Barbara Häfner, see Sabean 1990, pp. 106–7 (Gerichts- und Gemeinderatsprotocolle, Neckarhausen, vol. I, p. 204). On Split, see Bozˇ ic´ -Buzˇ ancˇ ic´ 1986, p. 511; on eighteenth-century Italy, see Levi Pisetsky 1995, p. 267 (the author claims that nearly all trousseaus included under pants, but she did not carry out studies that were as quantitatively extensive as those of Roche in France.	On the inventory of the Leoncini, see Muzzarelli 1999, pp. 55–6. For some cases of women who said, ‘he lifted my clothes’, see Niccoli 2000, pp. 126–7. I would like to thank Georgia Arrivo, whose doctoral thesis, Il sesso in tribunale. Dottrine, prassi giudiziaria e pratiche sociali nei processi per stupro nella Toscana delle Riforme (Turin University, examined on 26 January 2001), confirmed my belief in the absence of references to underpants in the trials that she examined. On the case of Domenico Righi and Laura Fabbri, see Niccoli 2000, p. 66, who obtained the information from the Bologna State Archive, Tribunale criminale del Torrone, Atti proces- suali, 5761. On the case of Andreas Köpple and Barbara Häfner, see Sabean 1990, pp. 106–7 (Gerichts- und Gemeinderatsprotocolle, Neckarhausen, vol. I, p. 204). On Split, see Bozˇ ic´ -Buzˇ ancˇ ic´ 1986, p. 511; on eighteenth-century Italy, see Levi Pisetzky 1995, p. 267 (the author claims that nearly all trousseaus included under pants, but she did not carry out studies that were as quantitatively extensive as those of Roche in France).
note 66 p. 280	Jütte and Bulst (eds) 1993; Roche 1997, pp. 138–9; Muzzarelli 2000, p. 11.	Jütte and Bulst (eds) 1993; Roche 1997, pp. 138–9; Muzzarelli 1999, p. 11.
note 67 p. 281	Bailieux and Remaury 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), pp. 17–19.	Bailleux and Remaury 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), pp. 17–19.
note 69 p. 281	Dupàquier 1987, p. 10; Livi Bacci 1998, pp. 104–5.	Dupâquier 1987, p. 10; Livi Bacci 1998, pp. 104–5.
note 84 p. 281	Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), pp. 288–9; Roche 1997, p. 211. According to Levi Pisetsky 1995, p. 75, the possibility cannot be excluded that the success of the colour black was due to the influence of Venetian rather than Spanish fashion. However, its affirmation as a prestigious colour was also due to the fact that at the time it was a difficult dye to obtain; see Muzzarelli 1999, pp. 165 and 249.	Braudel 1979 (Ital. trans. 1993), pp. 288–9; Roche 1997, p. 211. According to Levi Pisetzky 1995, p. 75, the possibility cannot be excluded that the success of the colour black was due to the influence of Venetian rather than Spanish fashion. However, its affirmation as a prestigious colour was also due to the fact that at the time it was a difficult dye to obtain; see Muzzarelli 1999, pp. 165 and 249.
note 85 p. 281	Levi Pisetzky 1973 and 1995, pp. 30–6; Hughes 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Visceglia 1991; Muzzarelli 1996, pp. 99–154; Sarti 2002, forthcoming.	Levi Pisetzky 1973 and 1995, pp. 30–6; Hughes 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984); Visceglia 1991; Bulst 1993; Jaritz 1993; Dinges 1993; Muzzarelli 1996, pp. 99–154 and 1999; Sarti 2002, forthcoming.
note 87 p. 281	Ménétra pub. 1982 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 93–4 and 96.	Ménétra pub. 1982 (Ital. trans. 1992), pp. 93–4 and 96; Jütte 1993; Muzzarelli 1999, pp. 288–95.
note 88 p. 281	Ricci 1996, pp. 88 and passim; Hufton 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), p. 260. For the history of prostitution, see Mazzi 1991.	Jütte 1993; Muzzarelli 1999, pp. 215–18; Ricci 1996, pp. 88 and passim; Hufton 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), p. 260. For the history of prostitution, see Mazzi 1991.
note 89 p. 281	Medick 1995, p. 525.	Medick 1995, pp. 525–28.
note 90 p. 281	Corso 1948, p. 55.	Corso 1948, p. 55; Levi Pisetzky 1995, pp. 69 and 73. On the symbolic meaning of the wedding dress see Accati 1998.
note 96 p. 281	Finzi and Cognasso 1930c; Levi Pisetzky 1995; Malanima 1990, p. 32; Matthews Grieco 1991b; Bailieux and Remaury 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), p. 32.	Finzi and Cognasso 1930c; Levi Pisetzky 1995; Malanima 1990, p. 32; Matthews Grieco 1991b; Bailleux and Remaury 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), p. 32.
note 98 p. 281	Metken 1996.	Metken 1996; see also Niccoli 1981.
note 101 p. 282	Finzi and Cognasso 1930b; Montagu 1717 (pub. 1981), p. 134.	Finzi and Cognasso 1930b; Montagu 1717–18 (pub. 1981), p. 134.
note 103 p. 282	Levi Pisetzky 1995.	Levi Pisetzky 1995; Dinges 1993, p. 100.
note 106 p. 282	Matthews Grieco 1991b.	Matthews Grieco 1991b, pp. 68–72; Paquet 1997, pp. 43–9.
note 109 p. 282	Medick 1995, p. 521.	Muzzarelli 1999, p. 75; Medick 1995, p. 521.
note 111 p. 282	Hughes 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), pp. 94–5, and 1991.	Hughes 1983 (Ital. trans. 1984), pp. 94–5, and 1990. See also Levi Pisetzky 1995, p. 80.
note 112 p. 282	See Sarti 1994a, pp. 154–9 and 2002 forthcoming.	See Levi Pisetzky 1995, pp. 69–70; Coppola 1992. Sarti 1994a, pp. 154–9 and 2002 forthcoming.
note 115 p. 282	Roche 1989, pp. 59–61 and 1997, p. 214. But this was not the case in Laichingen in the mid-eighteenth century; see Medick 1995, p. 522.	Roche 1989, pp. 59–61 and 1997, p. 214. But this was not the case in Laichingen in the mid-eighteenth century; see Medick 1995, p. 522. The quotation is taken from Ménétra pub. 1982, Ital. trans. 1992, p. 109.
note 116 p. 282	Maza 1983, pp. 312–14.	Maza 1983, pp. 312–14; Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), p. 101.
VII. Inside and Outside the Home: A Few Final Considerations
note 2 p. 282	Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1997).	Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1997); Jones 1996.
note 5 p. 282	Weatherill 1986. On the different relationship of men and women with objects and material culture, see Donald and Hurcombe (eds) 2000, and the notes below.	Weatherill 1986. On the different relationship of men and women with objects and material culture, see Fazio 1989; Donald and Hurcombe (eds) 2000, and the notes below.
note 6 p. 282	Zemon Davis 1986, p. 62; Vickery 1993b, pp. 291–4, with further bibliographical references; Berg 1996; Cavallo 1998, pp. 202–4 and Cavallo 2000.	Palumbo–Fossati 1984, p. 116; Zemon Davis 1986, p. 62; Vickery 1993b, pp. 291–4, with further bibliographical references; Berg 1996; Cavallo 1998, pp. 202–4 and Cavallo 2000.
note 12 p. 282	On female ownership of clothes, jewels and silver, see Weatherhill 1986; Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), pp. 95, 98–9, 103, 109–10 and 115; Berg 1996, pp. 418–20 and Berg 1999. On Renaissance Florence, see chapter VI, para. 5 and Klapisch–Zuher 1982 (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 167–74.	On female ownership of clothes, jewels and silver, see Weatherill 1986; Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), pp. 95, 98–9, 103, 109–10 and 115; Berg 1996, pp. 418–20 and Berg 1999. On Renaissance Florence, see chapter VI, para. 5 and Klapisch–Zuber 1982 (Ital. trans. 1988), pp. 167–74.
note 18 p. 282	Weatherhill 1986 and 1988; Goubert (ed.) 1988; Brewer and Porter (eds) 1993; Fairchilds 1993b; Schuurman and Walsh (eds) 1994; Glennie 1995; Levi 1996; Roche 1997 etc.	Weatherill 1986 and 1988; Goubert (ed.) 1988; Brewer and Porter (eds) 1993; Fairchilds 1993b; Schuurman and Walsh (eds) 1994; Glennie 1995; Levi 1996; Roche 1997 etc.
note 24 p. 283	The bibliography on this subject is quite extensive. For further information, see Ungari 1974; Garaud and Sramkiewicz 1978; Buttafuoco 1988–89; Palazzi 1990 (Ital. trans. 1992); Burguière 1991; Sarti 1995; Hufton 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), pp. 395–420; Fiorino 1999.	The bibliography on this subject is quite extensive. For further information, see Ungari 1974; Garaud and Sramkiewicz 1978; Buttafuoco 1988–89; Palazzi 1990b (Ital. trans. 1992); Burguière 1991; Sarti 1995; Hufton 1995 (Ital. trans. 1996), pp. 395–420; Fiorino 1999.
note 30 p. 283	Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), p. 38. See also Kuchta 1996, who recalls the ‘great masculine renunciation of clothing’ which took place in England in the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries.	Roche 1989 (Ital. trans. 1991), p. 38. See also Kuchta 1996, who recalls the ‘great masculine renunciation of clothing’ which took place in England starting from the ‘Glorious Revolution’.
note 42 p. 283	Franceschi Ferucci 1848, p. 159.	Franceschi Ferrucci 1848, p. 159.
note 49 p. 284	Ozmet 2001; Pollock 2001 etc. Challenging the idea that Europe or capitalism invented the nuclear family, Goody 2000 (pp. 11–12) recently argued ‘we know of virtually no society in the history of humanity where the elementary or nuclear family was not important’ and drew attention to the fact that ‘in no society are the ties between mother and child (and in the vast majority, between father and child) unimportant, sentimentally and jurally, even though in some ideological contexts those ties may be played down’.	Ozment 2001; Pollock 2001 etc. Challenging the idea that Europe or capitalism invented the nuclear family, Goody 2000 (pp. 11–12) recently argued ‘we know of virtually no society in the history of humanity where the elementary or nuclear family was not important’ and drew attention to the fact that ‘in no society are the ties between mother and child (and in the vast majority, between father and child) unimportant, sentimentally and jurally, even though in some ideological contexts those ties may be played down’.
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